Social Dialogue Under Globalization in Nigeria: Does Democracy Add Value?

Author(s):  
Ifeanyi P. Onyeonoru ◽  
Kehinde Kester

Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum wage award 2000, University Autonomy Bill, the price deregulation of the downstream oil sector and the Trade Union Amendment Bill 2004. It was found that the government exhibited a penchant for authoritarianism in spite of the globalization of democracy. This was evident in the incapacity of the Obasanjo government to engage the social partners in social dialogue as indicated by the cases reviewed. The study, however, highlighted the modest contribution to social dialogue made by the wider democratic structure. It was concluded that the government had limited capacity for consensus building, accommodation of opposition and negotiated outcomes in government-labour relations

1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Colleen Hicks

One must presume that the parties who placed this procedure in the Labour Relations Act had a specific goal in mind. If we look at the Government Green Paper Industrial relations, a framework for review, volume 2, page 173, - one of the options with regard to this topic - the one ultimately legislated for is set out as: To extend the definition of personal grievance to specifically include discrimination in the work place or alternatively to create a separate grievance procedure to deal with such matters. This option would be attractive in offering all workers covered by awards and agreements an easily accessible, flexible and relatively quick mechanism for resolving such matters close to their point of origin.


2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano

This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.


1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
N R Sheth

The process of rationalization and liberalization dominating the government's new economic policy (NEP) is an inevitable part of India's need to exist and grow with dignity in the emerging global economy. While this implies freedom and flexibility for industry, this has also led to incidence of labour redundancy, unemployment and casualization. With the government committed to full employment in the current five-year plan and the trade unions bearing a crucial social responsibility to protect workers' interests, the industrial relations issues involved in NEP need to be resolved amicably. This paper by N R Sheth examines these issues in detail and discusses the need for a meaningful dialogue among the various concerned parties in an atmosphere of mutual trust.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Kirton-Darling ◽  
Stefan Clauwaert

This article offers a historical and analytical overview of the development of the European social dialogue at the cross-sectoral and sectoral levels, and examines the potential of European social dialogue. In spite of the substantial institutional and cultural differences between the national industrial relations systems, the national social partners are increasingly facing the common challenges of globalisation and European integration. The European social dialogue has emerged as one of the potential instruments at the disposal of the social partners and European institutions for facing these common challenges. This article presents an evaluation of the development of European social dialogue to date and raises questions about future developments.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-33
Author(s):  
Ada Hurbean

The concept of social dialogue is approached differently at international level. According to the definition proposed by the International Labour Organisation, the social dialogue represents the voluntary information, consultation and negotiation act issued in order to negotiate agreements between the social partners or to negotiate collective agreements. As a concept adopted at EU level, the social dialogue, established by the Treaty of Rome in 1957, is a process of continuous information and consultation between unions and employers, so as to reach understandings regarding the control of certain economic and social variables, both in macroeconomic and microeconomic level. No matter how this concept is understanding, the social dialogue is associated with the transition from a culture of conflict to a culture of partnership with consideration of the common interests of the social partners involved in a broader process of “social cooperation”.


Obiter ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Musukubili ◽  
Adriaan van der Walt

In Namibia and South Africa respectively, there are social partners (social partners are the workers’ and employers’ organisations in terms of the ILO classification) with common and divergent short- and long-term interests. These divergent interests must be accommodated and reconciled and this process is the subject of labour law and industrial relations. However, the processes employed in Namibia and South Africa vary. The purpose of this comparative article is to highlight and explain the differences between and similarities of the two respective countries’ labour dispute-resolution systems. This comparative approach brings to bear two schools of thought, the first being the convergence school, and the second is the divergence school. The convergence school holds that the influence of industrialisation gradually brings the labour-relations systems of various countries closer to one another. The divergence school, on the other hand, maintains that labour relations are sub-systems of political systems and manifestations of prevailing social and economic conditions. Despite these perspectives above, it should not be taken for granted that systems and institutions are transplantable as it is argued that any attempt to do so may entail a wish of rejection. The reason for this view is premised on the basis that Namibia and South Africa are not identical; there are distinct differences in certain areas, such as economic development. However, the differences between the systems do not mean that Namibia cannot adopt solutions that have proved successful in South Africa or vice versa, and therefore a degree of transferability may be accepted.


Politics ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alasdair Blair ◽  
Luchien Karsten ◽  
John Leopold

It is now over a year since the Working Time Regulations entered force in Britain on 1 October 1998, during a period when the government also introduced the minimum wage. But whereas that piece of legislation appears to have faded away into the background of British industrial relations, the Working Time Regulations continue to remain a central topic. Based on a survey of British companies and organisations, this article reviews the implementation of the legislation and examines the scope of coverage. It finds that the failure of the Labour government to consult the social partners – employer and employee representatives – resulted in business being unprepared for the Regulations. The article also notes that the manner in which this legislation was introduced has meant that many of the employees who were working excessive hours continue to do so.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-189
Author(s):  
Erica Romero Pender ◽  
Patricia Elgoibar ◽  
Lourdes Munduate ◽  
Ana Belén García ◽  
Martin C Euwema

The model of social dialogue within organisations between management and employees is facing unprecedented challenges, and changing rapidly. In this new context of labour relations, experiences and expectations of each other are key drivers for the primary parties to this social dialogue. There has been little systematic research investigating the conditions for constructive social dialogue, particularly when it comes to ‘soft factors’, such as perceived competences, trust, influence and conflict behaviours. Addressing these issues based on theories of conflict, trust and influence, this article investigates experiences and expectations of employee representatives on the part of human resource managers, their counterparts in social dialogue. The results of surveys conducted in 11 European countries indicate that, overall, employers found a model of structured dialogue with elected employee representatives useful. Furthermore, competences of employee representatives, cooperative conflict behaviours, informal relations and trust promoted the influence of employee representatives on organisational decision-making and the quality of these decisions. We discuss implications for different systems of industrial relations. JEL Code: J50


Intersections ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Sára Hungler ◽  
Zsuzsanna Árendás

For numerous reasons, social dialogue in Hungary generally does not fulfil its role on the national, sectoral, or workplace level. Social dialogue as a democratic process is dysfunctional, since its institutions and mechanisms are not implemented democratically, and no real dialogue or actual debate take place. Instead, these mechanisms work in a top-down manner – the illiberal state and its central governing bodies expect certain solutions and answers, leaving no scope for transparent democratic dialogue with the relevant social partners. Against this background, in 2019 major strike activity was witnessed in the automotive sector. However, in 2020, after the COVID-19 pandemic, the Hungarian government deployed its full power by adopting the ‘Authorization Act,’ which allowed the government to introduce significant restrictions, practically without any time limits, any debate in parliament, or guarantee of swift and effective constitutional review. Our research paper investigates these recent developments in social dialogue using a case study, with the aim of understanding the forces underlying the collective action organized in the automotive sector. Our research demonstrates that, due to the lack of institutional guarantees, social dialogue is very fragile in Hungary, and the landslide victory in 2019 was a mere reflection of labour shortages. Our mixed methodology – which combines legal and sociological approaches – is suitable for examining this complex issue; interviews conducted with representatives of labour and employers provide deep insight into motives and action in a circumvented level playing field.


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