Should the State Fund Religious Schools?

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL S. MERRY
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3(65)) ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
V.F. Goriachuk ◽  
D.F. Dukov

During the years of independence in Ukraine, a certain set of investment instruments of state governance for regional development has been created: state and regional target programs, regional development agreements, agreements on implementation of interregional projects, programs for overcoming the state of depression, the State Fund for Regional Development (DFRD), and others. However, their level of performance is quite low.Notwithstanding the provisions of the State Strategy for Regional Development for the period up to 2020, regional development agreements and programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory are not implemented at all. The use of the DFRR in the "manual mode" reduces the role of the fund in solving the tasks of regional policy of the state.One of the main investment instruments of state governance for regional development are regional target programs. The analysis of target programs of the Odesa Oblast, which operated in 2015, showed that most of them did not meet the priorities of the economic and social development strategy of the Odessa region and (or) have other defects.Agreements on the implementation of interregional projects, the implementation of which contributes to the improvement of socio-economic development of two or more regions, have not been used at all. The same situation with regard to programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory.The inadequate institutional support of the DFRD leads to its underfunding, non-compliance with the rules for distributing its funds between regions, and non-compliance with the priorities of regional development.The article proposes: to return the practice of using agreements on regional development as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of central executive and local self-government bodies in relation to the implementation of strategic tasks of regional development; based on the principle of subsidiarity, delegate to the regional level the authority to develop programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory; to implement methodological recommendations for the evaluation of regional target programs.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Spinner-Halev

Places of contact between religion and the state has increased considerably over time; as this overlap has increased, liberals have increasingly seen fit to call for state intervention in religions that are internally discriminatory in the name of equal citizenship. By looking at the issue of direct and indirect state support for discriminatory schools, I argue for a more pluralistic and tolerant view of religion than that of many liberals. Preserving diversity is an important liberal good that should not lost sight of, though there are limits to the kinds of discrimination the liberal state should support. Much of my argument rests on the distinction between direct and indirect support. The liberal state should impose strict standards on funds it grants directly to organizations, but it should be more relaxed for indirect support it gives, except in exceptional circumstances.


2019 ◽  
Vol 135 (2) ◽  
pp. 845-911
Author(s):  
Samuel Bazzi ◽  
Gabriel Koehler-Derrick ◽  
Benjamin Marx

Abstract This article explores the foundations of religious influence in politics and society. We show that an important Islamic institution fostered the entrenchment of Islamism at a critical juncture in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country. In the early 1960s, rural elites transferred large amounts of land into waqf—inalienable charitable trusts in Islamic law—to avoid expropriation by the state. Regions facing a greater threat of expropriation exhibit more prevalent waqf land and Islamic institutions endowed as such, including mosques and religious schools. These endowments provided conservative forces with the capital needed to promote Islamist ideology and mobilize against the secular state. We identify lasting effects of the transfers on the size of the religious sector, electoral support for Islamist parties, and the adoption of local sharia laws. These effects are shaped by greater demand for religion in government but not by greater piety among the electorate. Waqf assets also impose costs on the local economy, particularly in agriculture, where these endowments are associated with lower productivity. Overall, our findings shed new light on the origins and consequences of Islamism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Maxwell ◽  
David I. Waddington ◽  
Kevin McDonough ◽  
Andrée-Anne Cormier ◽  
Marina Schwimmer

Author(s):  
Rahwan Rahwan

This research is motivated by the existence of an interesting phenomenon that occurs in society today. Such as acts of terrorism that often occur in society, one of which is by carrying out suicide bombings as an implementation of jihad. The series of actions by the western media was manipulated and disseminated that the actions of the Muslims were an act of resistance by Muslims against non-Muslims. As a result, the meaning of jihad experiences a narrowing. Wahbah Az-Zuhaili in his book wants to explain that jihad does not have a narrow meaning like the understanding of most people, especially terrorist perpetrators. The understanding that has led to terrorism includes Fundamentalism, which is a view that is upheld on beliefs, religious, political, and cultural. Also, religious schools of thought tend to interpret religious texts rigidly and literally (textually). Other views such as radicalism, extremism, and separatism also tend towards terrorism. This has led to many deviations from the true meaning of jihad. According to Wahbah Az-Zuhaili, acts of terrorism are very contrary to the teachings of Islam, such as causing damage everywhere, creating panic, and spreading fear among the people. He explained that jihad and terrorism are different things because terrorism has the connotation of all attacks, intimidation, destruction, or violations of the interests of the state without any rights, without ceasefire or declaration of war. Whereas jihad is carried out based on rights, jihad has consequences for the existence of rights, while terrorism will have consequences for the absence of rights. According to him, the greatest jihad in Islam and the greatest is with ideas and dialogue, not by violence and acts of war. And there are many other meanings of jihad.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 975-1003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda A. White

Drawing on the proliferating literature on multiculturalism, this article provides a theoretical and critical argument in support of public funding for minority cultural schools, as well as a critique of the Ontario Conservative government's proposal in 2001 to extend tax credits to parents who enroll their children in private schools in Ontario. It argues that governments in Canada committed to the idea of multiculturalism have an obligation to promote the maintenance and flourishing of minority cultures through education and financial support. The article first outlines and refutes neutralist liberal arguments against public funding for minority religious and culturally education, and demonstrates what is meant by a right to culture and the attendant duties such rights impose on the state. It then raises and responds to concerns about such cultural pluralist policies and suggests ways to balance group demands for public funding with other values the state wishes to support. It argues that the Ontario government's proposal to provide tax credits for private education without regulation does not respond to concerns about balancing the right to culture and teaching liberal citizenship values, and offers alternative policy recommendations in the conclusion.


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