Reconsidering the Relationship Between Cultural Theory, Political Ideology, and Political Knowledge

2012 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 713-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph T. Ripberger ◽  
Geoboo Song ◽  
Matthew C. Nowlin ◽  
Michael D. Jones ◽  
Hank C. Jenkins-Smith
Author(s):  
Joseph T. Ripberger ◽  
Geoboo Song ◽  
Matthew Nowlin ◽  
Michael D. Jones ◽  
Hank C. Jenkins-Smith

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristy E. H. Michaud ◽  
Juliet E. Carlisle ◽  
Eric R. A. N. Smith

2021 ◽  
pp. 135910532199079
Author(s):  
James R Mahalik ◽  
Michael Di Bianca ◽  
Michael P Harris

Path analyses indicated that the relationship between conformity to masculine norms (CMN) and attitudes toward mask-wearing to protect from COVID-19 was mediated by perceived benefits, perceived barriers, confidence in the scientific community, and empathy toward vulnerable persons, and that political ideology moderated the indirect effects from CMN to men’s attitudes. Efforts to improve men’s participation in combatting COVID-19 should address the perceptions and attitudes related to conforming to traditional masculine norms and moderated by political ideology, and might reconstruct masculinity to focus on being a guardian and protector of public health.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110003
Author(s):  
Freddie J. Jennings ◽  
Robert H. Wicks ◽  
Mitchell S. McKinney ◽  
Kate Kenski

One mechanism by which citizens learn about candidates and issues is through watching presidential debates. Some scholars have raised concerns that these events, however, disproportionately benefit those already high in political knowledge more so than others with lesser knowledge levels. We hypothesize that knowledge begets knowledge because it prompts a constructive cognitive process that results from elaboration and reflection. We test this hypothesis in an experiment that also considers whether issue priming could help mitigate the deficit that those lower in political sophistication have when viewing campaign events. Participants ( N = 543) watched a 9-minute segment focusing on economic issues drawn from the first 2020 presidential debate between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joseph Biden. Half of the participants were randomly assigned to an issue priming condition and viewed the debate segment after reading a narrative text on economic policy, and the other half read an unrelated text. The study presents a model that reveals the following: (a) cognitive elaboration mediates the relationship between prior political knowledge and learning from a campaign event, (b) providing citizens with background issue–related knowledge produces a similar elaborative effect as did preexisting political knowledge, and (c) participants demonstrate greater political opinion articulation following this enhanced elaboration leading to more learning. The implications for cultivating a knowledgeable democratic electorate are discussed.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-751 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain van Hiel ◽  
Malgorzata Kossowska ◽  
Ivan Mervielde

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurie E. Paarlberg ◽  
Rebecca Nesbit ◽  
Richard M. Clerkin ◽  
Robert K. Christensen

This article integrates parallel literatures about the determinants of redistribution across place. Using regression-based path analysis, we explore how tax burden mediates the relationship between political conditions and charitable contributions. Our analysis indicates that counties with a higher proportion of people voting Republican report higher charitable contributions, and tax burden partially mediates this relationship. However, the effect of political ideology on charitable contributions is nonlinear. As the proportion voting Republican in non-Republican-dominated counties increases, the predicted levels of charitable giving actually decreases. In contrast, as the proportion voting Republican increases in Republican-dominated counties, charitable contributions increase. Higher levels of political competition decrease charitable giving, again with partial mediation by tax burden. We also find that the “crowding in” effect of lower tax burdens on charitable giving only partially compensates for the loss of public revenue. Ultimately, total levels of redistribution—both private and government—are higher in Democratic-leaning counties.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peyman Hekmatpour

The Anthropocene age is marked by increased human impacts on the natural environment. As social beings, humans interact with each other, and with their surrounding environments, often through organizations and institutions. Religion and the polity are among the most influential human institutions, and they tend to impact the natural environment in several ways. For instance, several thinkers have claimed that some of the central ideas of the Abrahamic traditions, such as the concept of “Domination of men over the earth,” are among the causes of several anthropogenic environmental problems. By contrast, some of the ideas of non-Abrahamic, particularly animistic, religions are found to be associated with environmental conservation and stewardship. The polity can also contribute to environmental problems. The relationship between political organizations and environmental degradation, at any level of analysis from local to global, is well studied and established in the literature. Politicizing the natural environment, however, is not without tradeoffs. Environmentalism, by certain groups of people, is considered as a “stigma,” while it is a central concept in the political ideology of another part of the population. This antagonism is harmful to the environmental protection cause. I make the case that religion, or at least a number of religious ideas, can be conducive to the process of depoliticizing the natural environment. In this paper, I strive to draw a theoretical framework to explain how religion and the polity can mutually impact the natural environment.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joaquín M Lara Midkiff

The rise of Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) as a psychometric tool aimed at formalizing the study of political and moral psychology has led to many empirical studies and surveys over the last fifteen years. This present study documents the relationship between self-reported political identities, Moral Foundations Questionnaire (MFQ)-determined political ideology, and a novel attitude assessment concerning political correctness (PC) in academia among randomly sampled high schoolers at a demographically representative and statistically unremarkable high school in the American Pacific Northwest. Contrary to the emerging consensus in this recent field of MFT psychology, evidence here suggests that teenagers of varying political allegiances may be in general agreement when it concerns a political issue that has predominated headlines in the United States: PC culture (and censorship broadly) found in American universities. Though largely a vindication of antecedent MFT surveys, does this unanticipated alignment indicate a possible acquiescence in the zeitgeist of an up-and-coming generation?


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