Position toward the status quo: Explaining differences in intergroup perceptions between left- and right-wing affiliates

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (10) ◽  
pp. 2073-2082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma A. Bäck
Ethnicities ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 775-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabella Clough Marinaro ◽  
Ulderico Daniele

This article examines novel spaces for Roma political participation that opened up under a right-wing municipal government in Rome between 2008 and 2013. Three channels were created through which Roma could engage with policy-makers and, in theory, make their voices heard: a ‘Mayor’s Delegate for Roma Issues’; a forum for debate among Roma groups and elected representatives in two official camps. Based on in-depth interviews with protagonists of this key period of mobilisation, we evaluate the successes achieved and obstacles faced. In particular, we highlight the differentiations which emerged among Roma actors, concluding that, following an initial period of enthusiasm and cohesion, most participants withdrew, achieving few of their initial goals. While the analysis demonstrates the heterogeneity of Roma groups and interests in this process, it also underlines the constraints created by the external political opportunity structure which ultimately worked to co-opt activists in order to maintain the status quo.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (185) ◽  
pp. 561-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Oberndorfer

In France, the state of emergency (declared in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of November 2015) has been used against the Nuit-Debout- and the strike movement: fundamental rights were set aside in order to push through the deregulation of the labour market. An approach informed by hegemony theory can demonstrate that these developments and their point in time are articulated with the political and economic position of France within the European ensemble of state apparatuses. Because of its Eurocentric and liberal set-up, mainstream state theory tends to identify authoritarianism only in the periphery or as a threat connected with right wing populism. But an authoritarian turn is already happening within Western liberal institutions. The crisis has pushed the neoliberal mode of integration into a crisis of hegemony. The status quo can no longer be maintained through consensus and is instead upheld through coercion and racism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Jabareen ◽  
Suhad Bishara

This analysis explores the origins and constitutional implications of Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People (hereafter the Jewish Nation-State Law), enacted by the Israeli Knesset in July 2018. It examines the antecedents of the legislation in Israeli jurisprudence and argues that most of the law's provisions are the product of precedents established by Israel's Supreme Court, specifically the court's rulings delivered post-Oslo. The authors contend that the “two states for two peoples” vision of so-called liberal Zionists paved the way for Israel's right-wing politicians to introduce this law. Their analysis holds that the law is radical in nature: far from being a mere continuation of the status quo, it confers unprecedented constitutional status on ordinary policies and destabilizes the prevailing legal distinction between the area within the Green Line and the 1967 occupied territories.


Focaal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (84) ◽  
pp. 115-119
Author(s):  
Lesley Gill

The post–Great Recession, zombielike resurrection of neoliberalism has taken much of Europe and the United States on a hard-right detour into a twilight zone of populist nationalism, where far-right critiques of the status quo resonate more deeply with the white working class than leftist analyses. As rising fears of cultural eclipse, economic decline, and elite resentment drive the appeal of right-wing nationalists in the United States, Europe, India, and beyond, what role should intellectuals, and especially anthropologists, play in countering the creeping authoritarianism and growing inequality of our times? What kind of leverage can intellectual labor have on social reality? How can intellectuals broaden the boundaries of political possibility so that progressive, transformative collective action becomes imaginable?


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander K Saeri ◽  
Aarti Iyer ◽  
Winnifred R Louis

In three studies, we build on Schwartz’s (1992, 1994) work on universal values to explore the content and structure of individuals’ change and status quo values, to distinguish these values from other political ideologies and orientations, and to investigate the role of these values in shaping appraisals of intergroup conflict and collective action. In Study 1, we investigated the themes that underpin beliefs about change and the status quo. In Study 2, we created and validated separate measures to assess endorsement of change and status quo values, and show that they are distinct from related ideologies such as Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Study 3 demonstrated that change values—but not status quo values—influence the contextual appraisals that outsiders make when they encounter a hypothetical group conflict for the first time. Endorsing change leads to appraisals of the conflict that are supportive of a low-status citizen protestor group, and increases collective action intentions on behalf of this group. In addition, endorsing change leads to appraisals that are not supportive of a high-status government group in conflict, and decreases collective action intentions on behalf of this group.


2019 ◽  
pp. 89-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricardo Antunes

During the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, almost thirty years after the first democratic elections since the military dictatorship, Jair Bolsonaro took on the role of supposed underdog and, in the face of the collapse of the other center and right-wing bourgeois candidates, became the only one capable of countering the risk of the victory of the Workers' Party. Bolsonaro, or the captain, as he is frequently called by his acolytes, is a sort of Donald Trump of the periphery—a second-rate Trump. Though he appears to be the most radical critic of the system, he is, in fact, the very image of the status quo, in all its brutality and rawness.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-370
Author(s):  
David Cunningham

Between 1956 and 1971, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) operated five counterintelligence programs (COINTELPROs) designed to repress a range of threats to the status quo. This article examines more than twelve thousand pages of memos related to FBI programs against white hate groups (mostly the Ku Klux Klan) and the New Left in an effort to gain insight into the Bureau's repression of left- and right- wing targets. The article's goals are both general and historically specific: First, to introduce a two-dimensional typology to organize and categorize repressive acts generally and then to use this typology to examine the patterning of repressive acts across the COINTELPROs. This approach allows for the uncovering of distinct overarching strategies applied to left- versus right-wing targets. These strategies are emergent in the sense that they are not apparent from a textual analysis of Bureau memos or through a comparison of the outcomes of each COINTELPRO. Recognition of these emergent strategies provides insight into the complex, ambiguous relationship that the FBI had with both the civil rights movement and the Klan.


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