The Power of Economists within the State

Author(s):  
Johan Christensen

Why have some countries gone further than others in adopting market–conforming policies? Although previous studies have highlighted political parties, production regimes, and political institutions, this book points to the varying position of economic experts within the state to explain the persistent differences in economic policies across developed countries. Although economists were key agents of the turn toward the market in public policy, their impact depended crucially on the historical institutionalization of economic expertise within state bureaucracies. Drawing on insights from the sociology of professions and public administration, the book puts forward a novel argument about economists as policy actors. This argument emphasizes on the one hand the historical–institutional preconditions for the influence of economists and on the other hand the analytical and normative resources available to economists in policy making. The argument is explored through a comparative investigation of taxation policy, one of the core areas of market-oriented reform from 1980 onwards. Based on historical evidence and a large number of in–depth interviews with policy–making elites, the book analyzes the actors and institutions that shaped tax policy across a set of small, advanced countries–New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, and Denmark–over the period 1980–2010. This analysis yields surprising conclusions about the driving forces behind market-oriented reform.

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 2-19
Author(s):  
Christos Ath. Terezis ◽  

This study is a comparative investigation of Proclus’ and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite’s positions about “remaining” as demonstrative of the ontological monism. Focusing the attention, first of all, to the Neoplatonist philosopher, who represents polytheism, it comes that “remaining” indicates the state of standstill and unchangeability of those beings which are able to function as productive principles. Thus, a transcendental and a productive plane are identified, a parameter which combines the apophatic with the affirmative approaches. The theory about “unparticipated-participated-participating” brings to the light a middle phase between “remaining” and “procession”, in order the relation “one-multitude” to develop. In Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, “remaining” appears in two planes: a) the transcendent One, which does not take part in the production process, b) the One which includes all the beings in the form of archetypical reasons. Note that this is not an eternal co-existence or an ontological identification of the beings with the One’s substance or a transition from the first One to the second, as Proclus suggests. Pseudo-Dionysius just describes the providential function of the One, which is manifested owing to its goodness. In conclusion, the main difference between the two thinkers is how they conceive the notion of “metaphysical multitude”: in Proclus, it indicates a hierarchy of beings, while, in Pseudo-Dionysius, it expresses the inner richness of the unity. In both the worldviews though, the ontological prospect which is formed is actually an optimistic one.


Author(s):  
V.I. Semenova ◽  
◽  
M.F. Fridman ◽  

This article is devoted to the most important issue of ensuring an innovative breakthrough in socio-economic development in the conditions of information and economic confrontation. Today, humanity is entering an era of a fundamentally different system of social relations, values and meanings. The emergence of a multipolar world model increases the competition of developed countries, on the one hand, and weakens the role of the state in society, on the other. Economic sanctions significantly hinder innovative development, so the state, as one of the main social institutions, still needs qualitatively new, more productive, innovative solutions, the emergence and implementation of which is impossible without appropriate personnel: researchers, analysts, developers, managers and workers.


Author(s):  
Joseph Chan

This chapter asserts the idea that Confucianism can positively shape political institutions, legislation, and policy making. However, it argues that promoting Confucianism as a comprehensive doctrine in a modern pluralistic society will damage civility. Free and equal citizens live according to various ways of life and hold different religious beliefs, and promoting Confucian values over and instead of other beliefs can lead only to social conflict. Instead, the chapter favors a moderate form of perfectionism that allows the state to promote specific values in a piecemeal way. Within this context, it may be possible to promote particular Confucian values in a way that they can be accepted or understood by citizens without adopting Confucianism as a comprehensive doctrine.


1991 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Raven

On 18 October 1826 the final English state lottery was drawn at Coopers' Hall. It was the one hundred and seventieth of the state lotteries to be held since their parliamentary inauguration in 1694. Although the economic importance of the lotteries to the eighteenth-century exchequer has been widely recognized, their demise has received scant historical attention. This is despite stark contrast between the promotion of the lottery by government or government contractors, and the strident protests against the lottery's allegedly corrupt and ruinous influence. Why exactly was the lottery abandoned as an instrument of public revenue? Was it in response to moral argument or as a matter of fiscal policy? At issue is not only the effectiveness of organized opposition in transforming participation and policy-making, but also the relationship between Treasury strategies, systems of management and the response of the market.


Author(s):  
Alexander Nützenadel

Even though some scholars have highlighted the modernizing effects of Fascist social and economic policies, transformation theory has rarely been applied to the Fascist regimes of the interbellum period. This was mainly due to the antidemocratic and destructive character of Fascist regimes. This chapter argues that transformation theory can be used to explain some basic features of Fascism within a comparative framework. In particular, this theory is helpful to explore the complex interaction between ideology and political institutions on the one hand and long-term social and economic change on the other. Even though Germany and Italy represent the most interesting cases because Fascism was able to establish powerful dictatorial regimes, the historical analysis should not be limited to these two countries. Applied to other countries and world regions, the theory might explain why Fascist movements failed there.


Author(s):  
Viktoriya Hmyria

Food security is one of the main goals of the agrarian and economic policy of the state. In its general form, it develops the vector of movement of any national food system to its ideal condition. In this sense, the pursuit of food security is a continuous process. At the same time, to achieve it, there is often a change in development priorities and mechanisms of agricultural policy implementation. The agrarian complex is of great socio-economic importance as it not only satisfies the needs of the population in some of the most important foodstuffs, but also reflects the standard of living in the country. It should be borne in mind that the current situation in the world is characterized, on the one hand, by the presence of a large number of starving in third world countries, on the other, by the excess production of food in developed countries, where no more than 20% of the world's population lives. Developing countries are unable to provide the population with their own foodstuffs in accordance with physiological standards, so they are forced to import it in exchange for strategic material resources, precious metals and significant political concessions. Food security is a condition in which all people of a country, at all times, have the physical, social and economic access to quantitative and nutritious food that meets their needs and is necessary for an active and healthy life. The state policy of many countries began to be built taking into account the cyclical development of the economy, including specific agricultural cycles. At the same time, in the recovery and growth phases, improving the overall economic situation does not always translate into a proportional reduction in poverty and an increase in food security - especially in developing countries. In the phases of depression and crisis, appropriate rigid measures inevitably lead to an immediate and tangible fall in these indicators.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno de Souza Lessa ◽  
Ana Clara Aparecida Alves de Souza ◽  
Fernando Dias Lopes

Abstract This theoretical essay aims to provide a sociological explanation for the increasing importance of sustainability principles and practices in Management Schools. It does so by approximating two theoretical perspectives. First, from a macrosociological standpoint, it employs some of Pierre Bourdieu’s core concepts and his theory of the State to interpret how sustainability-related principles and practices have advanced in Management Schools, theorizing about the context of developed countries. Second, it changes the focus onto a microsociological perspective to analyze how these advances have been taking place in Brazil. In order to do so, it utilizes Bernard Lahire’s conceptual apparatus and his sociology at an individual scale. Therefore, this essay supports a double-folded argument. On the one hand, it claims that in developed countries the State has been the protagonist for the advancement of sustainability in Management Schools, since the State has the power over monopolies that are fundamental to engender social changes at national level. On the other hand, when its focus is shifted onto Brazilian reality, it argues that the State has a smaller participation regarding the advancements of sustainability-related practices and principles in Management Schools. Thus, the essay claims it is necessary to change the focus to the importance of key individuals, who have been essential for such advances.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Leonidovna Borscheva ◽  
Yulia Vyacheslavovna Fedorova ◽  
Elena Gennadievna Kirikutsa ◽  
Guzal Ilgizovna Islamova ◽  
Egor Andreevich Fedorov

Abstract Today, entrepreneurs are trying to compensate for the financial losses that they incur due to the epidemiological crisis. At the same time, they can use illegal ways to increase profits, driving competitors out of the market and infringing on the rights of consumers. In such conditions, there are two opposite trends: on the one hand, the state softens control, on the other — in a number of industries, regulation, on the contrary, increases. The article is devoted to the study of the influence of antimonopoly regulation on the development of innovative entrepreneurship in unfavorable conditions. It is generally believed that competition is the incentive for the development of innovations. Therefore, the task of maintaining the competitive state of the markets is the main task of the antimonopoly authorities. In fact, the actions of the antimonopoly authorities may not always achieve the set goal, sometimes the results of antimonopoly regulation may be the opposite of the desired ones, up to the appearance of anti-competitive effects. In this regard, the study of the impact of antimonopoly regulation on the development of innovative entrepreneurship in the context of the epidemiological crisis in order to assess such an impact is timely and relevant.


2008 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
William R. Summerhill

Abstract In “Bargaining for Absolutism,” Alejandra Irigoin and Regina Grafe argue three points of considerable interest to historians: political absolutism in Castile did not extend to fiscal matters; fiscal relations within Spain and its empire were characterized by bargaining, not directives from the crown; and the differences between Spanish and British imperial fiscal systems have been overstated. Their first and second points are a welcome corrective to oversimplified treatments of early modern Spanish fiscal politics, and echo findings on absolutism in France. In practice, absolutist sovereigns were not autocrats. They needed money to wage war and defend against predatory rivals, and had to exchange rent-generating privileges and monopolies in order to levy taxes and borrow. Irigoin and Grafe understate, however, the differences between fiscal relations in the British and Spanish empires. The institutions governing economic policy making at home were quite distinct in the two cases. After 1688 Britain relied heavily on Parliament for the formulation and approval of economic policies. The formal mechanisms by which the economic interests of different groups were articulated and brokered between Parliament and the government led to more efficient outcomes. In Spain, where the crown could selectively assign and abrogate property rights in a manner unchecked by formal political institutions, fiscal weakness and economic stagnation resulted. This institutional gap was reflected as well in the implementation of economic policy in their respective colonies. In this difference one can trace one important source of differing economic trajectories in the late colonial and early national periods.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xun Cao

For many, transnational capital is one of the most important driving forces of economic globalization; yet, we know little about what determines cross-border portfolio investments. In addition to recent economic literature's focus on information asymmetries as one key determinant of cross-border investment, this study brings in a political aspect to the field of international trade in assets. The –race to the bottom’ thesis connects domestic economic policies to investment decisions and argues that capital is more likely to move towards economies characterized by economic liberalism; political institutions are also relevant for portfolio investments, because democratic institutions often provide more credible protection against predatory practices. In this study, I model bilateral portfolio investments as a function of economic policies, political institutions, and levels of transparency of sending and receiving countries as well as important international connections. Empirical findings indicate the importance of transparency to attract portfolio investments. Moreover, transnational portfolio investments are only sensitive to some fiscal policy indictors and only within the OECD countries. Therefore, for non-OECD countries, there is still ‘room to move’ in maneuvering different aspects of fiscal policies. Finally, I find that investors care about the nature of political institutions as democratic institutions tend to be associated with higher levels of portfolio investment inflows. This is good news for developing countries that have undergone or are in the process of democratization. In addition to democratizing for peace, increased foreign capital further incentivizes a progression towards democratization.


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