Cofiring Tire-Derived Fuel With Coal

Author(s):  
N. Stanley Harding

Tires provide a resource of significant interest to many utilities. Tires—and tire-derived fuel (TDF)—have a high calorific value along with other favorable fuel characteristics. At the same time they present material preparation and handling issues for fuel users. For environmental reasons, they are more difficult and costly to dispose of in landfills. In 1990, only 25 million tires or 11% of the annually generated scrap tires in the U.S. were utilized (recycled, retreaded, and burned for energy). In 1994, this number increased to 138 million tires or 55% of the annually generated scrap tires with the largest increase due to tires used for energy (101 million tires). With an estimated number between 1–3 billion tires in stockpiles throughout the United States, this potential energy source is enormous. This paper will review several commercial demonstrations of tire-derived fuel cofired with coal in industrial and utility furnaces. Included will be discussions on fuel characteristics, preparation and handling of the tire-derived fuel, methods of utilization of the cofired fuel including appropriate combustion systems (e.g., cyclone boilers, stokers, fluidized bed boilers) and environmental results of the cofiring demonstrations.

Materials ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (16) ◽  
pp. 4482
Author(s):  
Rouzbeh Ghabchi ◽  
Amir Arshadi ◽  
Musharraf Zaman ◽  
Ferrella March

At least 275 million scrap tires exist in stockpiles in the U.S. The practice of dumping scrap tires in landfills has been an environmental concern. To address this concern, many industries—and regional and national environmental protection agencies—have taken major initiatives to recycle scrap tires. One of the major uses of recycled scrap tires is in crumb rubber products, including rubberized asphalt. Rubberized asphalt is produced by blending ground tire rubber with asphalt to beneficially modify its properties for highway construction. The ground tire rubber (GTR) can be used either as part of the asphalt rubber binder (also known as asphalt rubber), seal coat, cap seal spray, joint and crack sealant or as substitute aggregate (rubber-modified asphalt concrete). Therefore, the largest single market for GTR is asphalt rubber, which consumes approximately 12 million tires, annually. Currently, several Departments of Transportation (DOTs) in the U.S. do not allow use of GTR in asphalt mixes. This is partly due to lack of information, laboratory test data and specifications or special provisions on the use of GTR in asphalt pavements. The current study was undertaken to summarize the available wealth of knowledge, identify research needs, and document the major findings of previous pertinent studies focused on GTR use in asphalt. Significant study findings—consisting of laboratory test results, field observations, and common practices—were documented, including: the use of GTR in asphalt mixes, wet and dry processes, characterization of hot mix asphalt (HMA) containing GTR and GTR performance when combined with virgin materials. In order to promote successful use of GTR, it is imperative to help DOTs develop specifications/special provisions for utilizing rubberized asphalt by collecting data, common practices and specifications utilized by other state DOTs. As a part of this effort, we conducted a survey of construction specifications used by different DOTs that currently allow the use of GTR in asphalt. Since some DOT practices are not readily available in the open literature, this survey proved to be an effective tool for gathering data on the current practices, methods and specifications associated with DOT use of GTR in asphalt pavement.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Orquidea Morales

In 2013, the Walt Disney Company submitted an application to trademark “Día de los muertos” (Day of the Dead) as they prepared to launch a holiday themed movie. Almost immediately after this became public Disney faced such strong criticism and backlash they withdrew their petition. By October of 2017 Disney/Pixar released the animated film Coco. Audiences in Mexico and the U.S. praised it's accurate and authentic representation of the celebration of Day of the Dead. In this essay, I argue that despite its generic framing, Coco mobilizes many elements of horror in its account of Miguel's trespassing into the forbidden space of the dead and his transformation into a liminal figure, both dead and alive. Specifically, with its horror so deftly deployed through tropes and images of borders, whether between life and death or the United States and Mexico, Coco falls within a new genre, the border horror film.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
Richard F. Kuisel

There are over 1,000 McDonald's on French soil. Two Disney theme parks have opened near Paris in the last two decades. And American-inspired vocabulary such as “le weekend” has been absorbed into the French language. But as former French president Jacques Chirac put it: “The U.S. finds France unbearably pretentious. And we find the U.S. unbearably hegemonic.” Are the French fascinated or threatened by America? They Americanize yet are notorious for expressions of anti-Americanism. From McDonald's and Coca-Cola to free markets and foreign policy, this book looks closely at the conflicts and contradictions of France's relationship to American politics and culture. The book shows how the French have used America as both yardstick and foil to measure their own distinct national identity. France has charted its own path: it has welcomed America's products but rejected American policies; assailed Americ's “jungle capitalism” while liberalizing its own economy; attacked “Reaganomics” while defending French social security; and protected French cinema, television, food, and language even while ingesting American pop culture. The book examines France's role as an independent ally of the United States, but he also considers the country's failures in influencing the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations. Whether investigating France's successful information technology sector or its spurning of American expertise during the AIDS epidemic, the book asks if this insistence on a French way represents a growing distance between Europe and the United States or a reaction to American globalization. Exploring cultural trends, values, public opinion, and political reality, this book delves into the complex relationship between two modern nations.


Author(s):  
Timothy Matovina

Most histories of Catholicism in the United States focus on the experience of Euro-American Catholics, whose views on social issues have dominated public debates. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the Latino Catholic experience in America from the sixteenth century to today, and offers the most in-depth examination to date of the important ways the U.S. Catholic Church, its evolving Latino majority, and American culture are mutually transforming one another. This book highlights the vital contributions of Latinos to American religious and social life, demonstrating in particular how their engagement with the U.S. cultural milieu is the most significant factor behind their ecclesial and societal impact.


2008 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Horlick ◽  
Joe Cyr ◽  
Scott Reynolds ◽  
Andrew Behrman

Under the United States Alien Tort Statute, which permits non-U.S. citizens to bring lawsuits in U.S. courts for human rights violations that are violations of the law of nations, plaintiffs have filed claims against multinational oil and gas corporations for the direct or complicit commission of such violations carried out by the government of the country in which the corporation operated. In addition to exercising jurisdiction over U.S. corporations, U.S. courts have exercised jurisdiction in cases involving non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside the U.S.The exercise of jurisdiction by U.S. courts over non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside of the U.S. raises serious questions as to the jurisdictional foundation on which the power of U.S. courts to adjudicate them rests. Defences that foreign defendants can raise against the exercise of jurisdiction by the U.S. courts are an objection to the extraterritorial assertion of jurisdiction, the act of state doctrine, the political question doctrine, forum non conveniens, and the principle of comity. These defences are bolstered by the support of the defendant’s home government and other governments.


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