scholarly journals Little Ice Age glacial activity in Peter Lougheed and Elk Lakes provincial parks, Canadian Rocky Mountains

1995 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 579-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Smith ◽  
Daniel P. Mccarthy ◽  
Margaret E. Colenutt

Dendrochronological, lichenometric, and 14C studies at 14 glacier sites in Peter Lougheed and Elk Lakes provincial parks were used to develop a chronology of Little Ice Age glacial events. The earliest indications of glacial activity are represented by moraines deposited prior to the 16th century. A major glacial expansion in the 17th century is recorded at three sites, where I4C dates show glaciers reached their maximum down-valley positions. Lichenometric dates and tree growth suppression records show a phase of glacial activity early in the 18th century, for which there is only sparse morainic evidence. Most moraines in the area date from a glacial advance culminating in the mid-19th century, and moraine formation was complete everywhere by the late 1800's. Recessional moraines are rare in the study area and indicate that ice-front retreat has been relatively continuous since the 19th century. The glacial chronology developed in this work is comparable to that reconstructed for both the Main Ranges of the Canadian Rockies and the Coast Ranges of the southern Cordillera.

1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 181-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.B. Whalley ◽  
C.F. Palmer ◽  
S.J. Hamilton ◽  
D. Kitchen

The volume of debris in the left-lateral, Little Ice Age (LIA:AD1550–1850) moraine of the Feegletscher, Valais, Switzerland was compared with the actual volume being transported currently by the glacier. The latter is smaller by a factor of about two. In Tröllaskagi, north Iceland, a surface cover of debris on top of a very slow moving glacier ice mass (glacier noir, rock glacier) has been dated by lichenometry. The age of the oldest part is commensurate with LIA moraines in the area. Knowing the volume of debris of a given age allows an estimate of the debris supply to the glacier in a given time. Again, there appears to have been a significant reduction in debris to the glacier since the turn of the 19th century. Debris input in the early LIA seems to have been particularly copious and this may be important in the formation of some glacier depositional forms such as rock glaciers.


The Holocene ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (11) ◽  
pp. 1439-1452 ◽  
Author(s):  
José M García-Ruiz ◽  
David Palacios ◽  
Nuria de Andrés ◽  
Blas L Valero-Garcés ◽  
Juan I López-Moreno ◽  
...  

The Marboré Cirque, which is located in the southern Central Pyrenees on the north face of the Monte Perdido Peak (42°40′0″N; 0.5°0″W; 3355 m), contains a wide variety of Holocene glacial and periglacial deposits, and those from the ‘Little Ice Age’ (‘LIA’) are particularly well developed. Based on geomorphological mapping, cosmogenic exposure dating and previous studies of lacustrine sediment cores, the different deposits were dated and a sequence of geomorphological and paleoenvironmental events was established as follows: (1) The Marboré Cirque was at least partially deglaciated before 12.7 kyr BP. (2) Some ice masses are likely to have persisted in the Early Holocene, although their moraines were destroyed by the advance of glaciers during the Mid Holocene and ‘LIA’. (3) A glacial expansion occurred during the Mid Holocene (5.1 ± 0.1 kyr), represented by a large push moraine that enclosed a unique ice mass at the foot of the Monte Perdido Massif. (4) A melting phase occurred at approximately 3.4 ± 0.2 and 2.5 ± 0.1 kyr (Bronze/Iron Ages) after one of the most important glacial advances of the Neoglacial period. (5) Another glacial expansion occurred during the Dark Age Cold Period (1.4–1.2 kyr), followed by a melting period during the Medieval Climate Anomaly. (6) The ‘LIA’ represented a clear stage of glacial expansion within the Marboré Cirque. Two different pulses of glaciation were detected, separated by a short retraction. The first pulse occurred most likely during the late 17th century or early 18th century (Maunder Minimum), whereas the second occurred between 1790 and ad 1830 (Dalton Minimum). A strong deglaciation process has affected the Marboré Cirque glaciers since the middle of the 19th century. (7) A large rock avalanche occurred during the Mid Holocene, leaving a chaotic deposit that was previously considered to be a Late Glacial moraine.


JOKULL ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Hrafnhildur Hannesdóttir ◽  
Oddur Sigurðsson ◽  
Ragnar Þrastarson ◽  
Snævarr Guðmundsson ◽  
Joaquín Belart ◽  
...  

Abstract — A national glacier outline inventory for several different times since the end of the Little Ice Age (LIA) in Iceland has been created with input from several research groups and institutions, and submitted to the GLIMS (Global Land Ice Measurements from Space, nsidc.org/glims) database, where it is openly available. The glacier outlines have been revised and updated for consistency and the most representative outline chosen. The maximum glacier extent during the LIA was not reached simultaneously in Iceland, but many glaciers started retreating from their outermost LIA moraines around 1890. The total area of glaciers in Iceland in 2019 was approximately 10,400 km2, and has decreased by more than 2200 km2 since the end of the 19th century (corresponding to an 18% loss in area) and by approximately 750 km2 since ~2000. The larger ice caps have lost 10–30% of their maximum LIA area, whereas intermediate-size glaciers have been reduced by up to 80%. During the first two decades of the 21st century, the decrease rate has on average been approximately 40 km2 a-1. During this period, some tens of small glaciers have disappeared entirely. Temporal glacier inventories are important for climate change studies, for calibration of glacier models, for studies of glacier surges and glacier dynamics, and they are essential for better understanding of the state of glaciers. Although surges, volcanic eruptions and jökulhlaups influence the position of some glacier termini, glacier variations have been rather synchronous in Iceland, largely following climatic variations since the end of the 19th century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 123-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Pelfini

AbstractIn the Italian Alps, the maximum advance of the Holocene usually coincided with the Little Ice Age (LIA), which reached a climax for most glaciers during the first two decades of the 19th century. Moraines deposited during the peak of the LIA usually obliterated glacial deposits from previous advances. Using dendrogeomorphology, it is possible to date glacier advances before the LIA peak. In the central Italian Alps, it was possible to pinpoint an advance of Ghiacciaio del Madaccio, which took place in the first two decades of the 17th century. With dendrogeomorphology, it is also possible to reconstruct in detail the behaviour of glaciers during the Little Ice Age climax. Trees growing on the margin of glacier tongues may have suffered damage, recognizable by the presence of wood scars and the formation of particularly thin rings; their dating allows both ice advances and retreats to be dated. This is the case for Ghiacciaio Grande di Verra in the western Italian Alps; owing to the rapid decrease of the tree ring widths, it is possible to recognize climate changes responsible for both lower wood production and, sometimes, subsequent glacier advances, although the latter take place with a certain delay. For Ghiacciaio del Lys in the western Italian Alps, a response time of five years was determined.


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 181-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.B. Whalley ◽  
C.F. Palmer ◽  
S.J. Hamilton ◽  
D. Kitchen

The volume of debris in the left-lateral, Little Ice Age (LIA: AD 1550–1850) moraine of the Feegletscher, Valais, Switzerland was compared with the actual volume being transported currently by the glacier. The latter is smaller by a factor of about two. In Tröllaskagi, north Iceland, a surface cover of debris on top of a very slow moving glacier ice mass (glacier noir, rock glacier) has been dated by lichenometry. The age of the oldest part is commensurate with LIA moraines in the area. Knowing the volume of debris of a given age allows an estimate of the debris supply to the glacier in a given time. Again, there appears to have been a significant reduction in debris to the glacier since the turn of the 19th century. Debris input in the early LIA seems to have been particularly copious and this may be important in the formation of some glacier depositional forms such as rock glaciers.


The Holocene ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioana Perșoiu ◽  
Aurel Perșoiu

We present here the first record of past flooding activity from the Carpathian Mountains, Eastern Europe, based on documentary evidence and sedimentary records along one of the main rivers draining this region (Someșul Mic River). Three periods of increased flood activity have occurred in Transylvania during the last millennium: the first at the beginning of the 10th century (the end of the Dark Ages Cold Period and beginning of the Medieval Warm Period (MWP)); the second at the end of the 16th and beginning of 17th century, during the cold Little Ice Age (LIA) and the third at the end of the 19th century. During the early MWP, generally wet summers resulted in a high incidence of floods and/or high discharges, while the cluster of floods at the end of 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries occurred mostly at flash floods generated during heavy summer thunderstorms. Increasing winter temperatures and spring precipitations probably caused the high incidence of floods at the end of the 19th century. The predominantly wet conditions during the MWP are likely to have resulted from northward penetration of Mediterranean cyclones during a (mostly) positive phase of the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), while wet conditions during the LIA arose as a combination of increases in local storminess and moisture transport from the North Atlantic along more southerly positioned westerlies associated with a negative phase of the NAO.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Kramer

Opium smoking began spreading slowly but steadily in China from early in the 18th Century. It grew through the 19th Century to the point that by the end of the century it became a nearly universal practice among males in some regions. While estimates vary, it appears that most smokers consumed six grams or less daily. Addicted smokers were occasionally found among those smoking as little as three grams daily, but more often addicted smokers reported use of about 12 grams a day or more. An individual smoking twelve grams of opium probably ingests about 80 mg. of morphine. Thirty mg. of morphine daily may induce some withdrawal signs, while 60 mg. daily are clearly addicting. While testimony varied widely, it appears likely that most opium smokers were not disabled by their practice. This appears to be the case today, too, among those peoples in southeast Asia who have continued to smoke opium. There appear to be social and perhaps psychophysiological forces which work toward limiting the liabilities of drug use.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 133 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Sara Matrisciano ◽  
Franz Rainer

All major Romance languages have patterns of the type jaune paille for expressing shades of colour represented by some prototypical object. The first constituent of this pattern is a colour term, while the second one designates a prototypical representative of the colour shade. The present paper starts with a short discussion of the controversial grammatical status of this pattern and its constituents. Its main aim, however, concerns the origin and diffusion of this pattern. We have not found hard and fast evidence that Medieval Italian pigment compounds of the type verderame influenced the rise of the jaune paille pattern, which first appears in French in the 16th century. This pattern continued to be a minority solution during the 17th century, but established itself during the 18th century. In the 19th century, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese adopted the pattern jaune paille, while it did not reach Catalan and Romanian before the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Maria Berbara

There are at least two ways to think about the term “Brazilian colonial art.” It can refer, in general, to the art produced in the region presently known as Brazil between 1500, when navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral claimed the coastal territory for the Lusitanian crown, and the country’s independence in the early 19th century. It can also refer, more specifically, to the artistic manifestations produced in certain Brazilian regions—most notably Bahia, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro—over the 18th century and first decades of the 19th century. In other words, while denotatively it corresponds to the art produced in the period during which Brazil was a colony, it can also work as a metonym valid to indicate particular temporal and geographical arcs within this period. The reasons for its widespread metonymical use are related, on the one hand, to the survival of a relatively large number of art objects and buildings produced in these arcs, but also to a judicative value: at least since the 1920s, artists, historians, and cultivated Brazilians have tended to regard Brazilian colonial art—in its more specific meaning—as the greatest cultural product of those centuries. In this sense, Brazilian colonial art is often identified with the Baroque—to the extent that the terms “Brazilian Baroque,” “Brazilian colonial art,” and even “barroco mineiro” (i.e., Baroque produced in the province of Minas Gerais) may be used interchangeably by some scholars and, even more so, the general public. The study of Brazilian colonial art is currently intermingled with the question of what should be understood as Brazil in the early modern period. Just like some 20th- and 21st-century scholars have been questioning, for example, the term “Italian Renaissance”—given the fact that Italy, as a political entity, did not exist until the 19th century—so have researchers problematized the concept of a unified term to designate the whole artistic production of the territory that would later become the Federative Republic of Brazil between the 16th and 19th centuries. This territory, moreover, encompassed a myriad of very different societies and languages originating from at least three different continents. Should the production, for example, of Tupi or Yoruba artworks be considered colonial? Or should they, instead, be understood as belonging to a distinctive path and independent art historical process? Is it viable to propose a transcultural academic approach without, at the same time, flattening the specificities and richness of the various societies that inhabited the territory? Recent scholarly work has been bringing together traditional historiographical references in Brazilian colonial art and perspectives from so-called “global art history.” These efforts have not only internationalized the field, but also made it multidisciplinary by combining researches in anthropology, ethnography, archaeology, history, and art history.


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