On War and Peace: Russian Security Policy and Military-Strategic Thinking

2020 ◽  
pp. 347-377
Author(s):  
Gudrun Persson
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
War And Peace

The National Security Council

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Chollet
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
Engine Room ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
And Function ◽  
Role And Function

As the engine room for the making of U.S. foreign and security policy, the National Security Council (NSC) is vital. But debates about its proper structure, role, and function endure. This chapter explores the three most common critiques of the modern NSC: first, that it is too big; second, that it is too operational and does the work government agencies should do; and third, that it has a proclivity for too much micromanagement and too little strategic thinking. As a way to understand what the NSC does and to answer the question about whether it is effective or broken, it is necessary to unpack these critiques and assess their persuasiveness.

scholarly journals A New Direction in the People's Liberation Army's Emergent Strategic Thinking, Roles and Missions

2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 841-865 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Char ◽  
Richard A. Bitzinger
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Policy Instrument ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Operational Capabilities ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
The Status ◽  
Successive Generations ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Peace And Development

AbstractThe People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been undergoing a profound transformation in terms of its operational capabilities, both with regard to its hardware as well as its heartware, i.e. the softer aspects of its development including its operational culture and military ethos. These changes have permeated every facet of the PLA – technological, organizational and doctrinal. Despite successive generations of Chinese leaders having declared their adherence to “peace” and “development,” it has become clearer that Beijing's security policy under Xi Jinping has shifted steadily away from “keeping a low profile.” In that regard, the status of the PLA in the domestic and international calculus of China's new commander-in-chief has, unsurprisingly, become more pronounced, with Xi taking noticeably greater interest in harnessing the Chinese Communist Party's coercive forces as his personal domestic powerbase and foreign policy instrument complementing China's hard economic power.

Re-Ordering the World from the Skies? The Emergence and Justification of Aerial Warfare

2021 ◽  
pp. 259-274
Author(s):  
Thomas Hippler
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Strategic Bombing ◽  
Local Practices ◽  
The World ◽  
Aerial Warfare ◽  
New Form ◽  
Colonial Police

Thomas Hippler’s contribution focuses on the justifications of aerial bombing in the context of the inception of air warfare in the early twentieth century, especially, but not exclusively, in the realm of strategic thinking. The main purpose of the chapter is to point out the conceptions of international order behind the different justifications of aerial warfare and air strikes, in particular with regard to the strategic choice to target civil populations, which was first implemented through the concept of colonial ‘police bombing’ before being employed in strategic bombing campaigns. Hippler’s short genealogy of aerial bombings and their justifications interestingly reminds one of the local practices of declaring war and peace by early modern conquistadores (Arnulf Becker Lorca’s chapter) and nineteenth-century imperial agents (Lauren Benton’s chapter): as Thomas Hippler argues, with aerial warfare a new form of governance emerged, which (not least in its justification) points to a disturbing link to democracy.

The EU’s CFSP/CSDP in 2030: Towards an alternative vision of power?

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-412
Author(s):  
Cornelia-Adriana Baciu ◽  
Alexandra M Friede
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
Drop Out ◽  
Existential Crisis ◽  
Collective Goods ◽  
Alternative Vision ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Global Affairs ◽  
The Eu

This article argues that the lack of an effective, coherent and progressive EU grand strategy that is able to streamline efforts and produce collective goods, both at home and in the world, is culpable for the EU’s gradual decline until 2030. The lack of European-wide strategic thinking creates the conditions for an existential crisis of the EU. The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy/Common Security and Defence Policy is the most striking example: it fails to manage the EU27 expectations, build up sufficient military and civilian capabilities, deliver tangible results and, consequently, lacks credibility. This has repercussions for the EU’s level of ambition. Until 2030, more and more states drop out of EU initiatives and search for alternative fora to make their voices heard in international politics. The powerlessness of the EU also weakens its most important allies: the United States and NATO. This creates a power vacuum to be filled by more ambitious players, such as China or Russia, which seek to diffuse their view of global (dis)order. To avoid this future, we argue that the EU should (1) embrace an alternative vision of power, (2) strengthen the legitimacy of its internal and external policymaking and (3) engage strategically in global affairs on the basis of a firm commitment to NATO-EU cooperation.

scholarly journals Settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict on the Donbas in the Focus of the Problem of War and Peace

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-45
Author(s):  
Hryhorii Perepelytsia
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Military Force ◽  
European Security ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
The Real ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Hybrid War ◽  
Main Instrument

The purpose of this article is to understand how the blurry nature of hybrid warfare and hybrid peace influences the assessment of national security and the making of adequate foreign and security policy decisions, including, in particular, the prediction of the further course and resolution of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which is not only a threat to Ukraine’s existence but also to European security in general. In order to properly study this issue, the Russo-Ukrainian war on the Donbas was selected as an object. As the main method of the research of this problem was chosen the conflict analysis. The conclusions drawn from this analysis prompt us to differentiate the concepts of war, peace, and conflict and bring our perceptions of them to reality. When the idea of internal conflict replaces the real war, their sophisticated substitution will leave the problem of settlement of the conflict on the Donbas not solved, and the war between Ukraine and Russia is not completed. Achieving peace by “settlement the conflict on the Donbas” within the framework of a real war of Russia against Ukraine will not lead to its end and sustainable peace. In such a situation, only a temporary “cold peace” is possible. The implementation of the strategy of Ukraine and the international community should begin with the rejection of the “plot for settlement the internal conflict on the Donbas” and the recognition of the reality of the war, in which the belligerent and aggressor is Russia, but not Phantoms DPR/LPR. The study’s objectives are based on identifying epistemological reasons that make it impossible to resolve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas and clarify their national and international security consequences. The study results are based on an analysis of the course of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the process of settling the conflict in Donbas. The article analyzes the mechanism of interaction between hybrid war and hybrid peace in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas, clarifies the essence of war and peace under existing realities, and identifies epistemological reasons that make it impossible to resolve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas. The article also analyses the real and probable national and international consequences of the unresolved problem of war and peace in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Donbas. The article concludes with a proposal for a possible solution to war and peace on Donbas. Recommendations for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas are based on Ukraine and the international community’s rejection of the “plot for settlement the internal conflict in Donbas” and recognition of the reality of a war in which the warring party and the aggressor are Russia, but not the phantom DNR/LNR. According to these recommendations, military force should become the main instrument for coercion of Russia for forcing peace and ending the war on acceptable terms for Ukraine. Ukrainian diplomacy must act under the task of war, but not only so much for the sake of “settlement internal conflict on the Donbas.”

War and Peace

1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (7) ◽  
pp. 656-657
Author(s):  
Walter G. Stephan
Keyword(s):  
War And Peace
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