Industry Watch

2005 ◽  
Vol 09 (08) ◽  
pp. 312-320

Starpharma Launches Startup Dimerix. Bharat Biotech Paves the Way for Indian Firms into South Korean Market. Chugai Initiates Major Restructuring of its Production Facilities. Japan Tobacco in Licensing Partnership with Gilead Sciences for HIV Therapy. Australia New Zealand Biotechnology Partnership Fund Closes First Funding Round. MDS Pharma Services Expands Central Lab Network. Enzymotec to Enter Asia-Pacific Functional Oils Market.

Author(s):  
Su Yeon Roh ◽  
Ik Young Chang

To date, the majority of research on migrant identity negotiation and adjustment has primarily focused on adults. However, identity- and adjustment-related issues linked with global migration are not only related to those who have recently arrived, but are also relevant for their subsequent descendants. Consequently, there is increasing recognition by that as a particular group, the “1.5 generation” who were born in their home country but came to new countries in early childhood and were educated there. This research, therefore, investigates 1.5 generation South Koreans’ adjustment and identity status in New Zealand. More specifically, this study explores two vital social spaces—family and school—which play a pivotal role in modulating 1.5 generation’s identity and adjustment in New Zealand. Drawing upon in-depth interviewing with twenty-five 1.5 generation Korean-New Zealanders, this paper reveals that there are two different experiences at home and school; (1) the family is argued to serve as a key space where the South Korean 1.5 generation confirms and retains their ethnic identity through experiences and embodiments of South Korean traditional values, but (2) school is almost the only space where the South Korean 1.5 generation in New Zealand can acquire the cultural tools of mainstream society through interaction with English speaking local peers and adults. Within this space, the South Korean 1.5 generation experiences the transformation of an ethnic sense of identity which is strongly constructed at home via the family. Overall, the paper discusses that 1.5 generation South Koreans experience a complex and contradictory process in negotiating their identity and adjusting into New Zealand through different involvement at home and school.


Author(s):  
Monika Jain

India dropped out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which included the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries, China, South Korea, New Zealand, Japan and Australia, after negotiating for almost seven years in November 2018 on the grounds of national interest and also that free trade agreements (FTAs) did not amount to free trade and led to more trade diversion than trade creation. The cost and benefit of a regional agreement depend on the amount of trade creation with respect to trade diversion (Panagriya, 2000). This study tries to examine India’s concerns and at the same time, highlights the cost of not joining RCEP. India’s trade deficit with 11 out of the 15 RCEP nations has been a major cause of concern. Unfavourable trade balance, concerns about the impact on dairy sector, economic slowdown, past experience with FTA’s, China factor, data localisation, rules of origin, the experience of ASEAN countries with Sino-FTA have been some of the reasons behind India’s decision to opt-out of this mega multilateral agreement. Also, bilateral trade agreements with some RCEP countries such as Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and South Korea were operational. A multilateral trade agreement with ASEAN countries was very much in place. So, trade between India and 12 of the RCEP member countries would not have changed much after India’s inclusion in RCEP. The impact of lower tariffs would have been evident for the remaining three countries: China, Australia and New Zealand. Furthermore, there was fear of a massive surge in imports of manufactures from China, dairy imports from Australia and New Zealand. This study also examines the long term impact of this decision and if India has missed out on becoming a part of the global value chain and gaining greater market access in the Asia Pacific region. India’s policy of import substitution and protectionism did not capitulate desired results in the past. Hence, a critical evaluation of India’s decision and some validation on her concerns and fears have been done.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Richard Vaughan Kriby

"Lumen Accipe et Imperti ", says the motto of Wellington College; and, in becoming a teacher, after being a pupil of the College, I fully accepted the injunction to receive the light and impart it. But it took the preparation of this thesis on the apprenticeship system to bring home to me the<br>strength of the human impulse implied in those four<br>Latin words.<br>In the ideal, the impulse is personified in Oliver Goldsmith's description of the village schoolmaster who "...tried each art, reproved each dull delay; Allur'd to brighter worlds, and led the way."<br><div>It is this impulse to seek skills and to hand them on which helps to explain the enigma of a system apparently always on the point of being out-moded, and yet surviving time and change, depression and prosperity, wars and its greatest challenge, the machine age.</div><div>In 1898 - before the Boer War - a Member of the New Zealand Parliament announced that a pair of boots had been made in 25 minutes, passing through 53 different machines and 63 pairs of hands. The tone of the brief, ensuing discussion was one suited to the occasion of an imminent demise, and a Bill for improvement of the apprenticeship system then before the House quietly expired.<br><br></div>


Author(s):  
Hilary Radner

Through an examination of three special issues devoted to The Lord of the Rings trilogy in Pavement, a New Zealand magazine, I propose to discuss the way in which the representation of these films suggests the complexities of the intersection between the global and the local within New Zealand culture and its consequences in particular in terms of the marginalisation of an indigenous discourse. I draw upon the work of scholars such as T. Bennett and J. Woolacott to define and examine the “reading formations” mobilized by the LOTR phenomenon within such publications as Pavement, directed towards a local NZ ‘hip’ readership.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Matthew Barber

In the Supreme Court decision of Vector Gas Ltd v Bay of Plenty Energy Ltd, Tipping J put forward an approach to contact interpretation that, while indebted to that of Lord Hoffmann, was expressed differently and promoted the use of evidence of prior negotiations. Despite not gaining the support of any of the other sitting judges, this approach was swiftly taken up in the lower courts and, until recently at least, seems to have been accepted as representing New Zealand law. This article attempts a comprehensive examination of Tipping J’s approach. It concludes that, while coherent in principle, the detail of the approach is flawed in a number of ways, especially the way in which evidence of subsequent conduct is assumed to work. The future of Tipping J’s approach is considered.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Julian Lee

<p>Western power has been sustained in the Asia-Pacific region by United States military might ever since the defeat of Japan. For the first time since then, China, a non-Western power, poses a challenge to that dominance, with the result that “neither Australia nor New Zealand has ever seriously considered how we would defend our interests and secure our countries in a region which was not dominated by our great and powerful Anglo-Saxon friends.”1 China is the new variable in the Asia-Pacific equation, and New Zealand is now required to factor this new element into its strategic calculations for the future. China’s ascendancy in the Asia-Pacific region will have a huge impact on New Zealand’s future strategic outlook. The purpose of this essay will be to design, as simply as possible, a way to structure thoughts and discussion about the defence relationship between New Zealand and China, from a New Zealand perspective. It will aim to establish a basic framework centred around a number of themes in order to provide a platform for analysis in the future. It will be a brief examination of how these two nations talk with each other at the defence level in the early twenty-first century.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Matthew Adrian Castle

<p>Most commentators view the Australia-New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER) agreement as a remarkable example of bilateral integration. CER is not usually regarded, however, as a platform for Australia and New Zealand to jointly engage with third parties. Yet, more than a decade of CER-ASEAN relations culminated, in 2010, in a Free Trade Agreement (the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTA, AANZFTA) between the two regions. This suggests that intra-regional trans-Tasman integration might “spill over” into external cooperation with third parties. Close cooperation and joint approaches have not, however, eventuated in other cases. Australia and New Zealand applied separately to join the interregional Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) forum in 2008 and 2009, indicating that their ability to act as a region is not consistent across policy or issue areas. This is an intriguing empirical puzzle, given that most observers of interregionalism elsewhere understand the ability of regions to act in international relations (‘actorness’) as a general, rather than variable, characteristic. Why, then, did Australia and New Zealand negotiate as a single entity with ASEAN on an FTA, but did not coordinate their approach in the ASEM case? This thesis argues that the process of trans-Tasman integration has produced a set of issue-specific institutions, which present Australian and New Zealand policy makers with a ready-made framework for cooperation with third parties in some, but not all, issue areas. Once these institutions were established, it proved a relatively simple step to extend the scope of their operation beyond the trans-Tasman level. This suggests that in the trans-Tasman case, ‘actorness’, understood as the basis on which regions can engage in international relations, may be issue-specific rather than generalised. This thesis makes its case by critically analysing the emergence and evolution of CER-ASEAN relations and by documenting Australia and New Zealand’s separate applications to join ASEM. It draws on extensive archival research and interviews with key actors and decision makers. The thesis adds to the nascent field of interregionalism by offering a new empirical case in which to test and develop theories. It makes a contribution to our understanding of the way institutions shape the scope for regions to “act” in international relations. More broadly, this study provides insights into the relationship between institutional design, individual actors and policy outcomes.</p>


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