South Korea in 2016

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 114-126
Author(s):  
Jaewoo CHOO
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
High Altitude ◽  
The United States ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Public Consultation ◽  
Comfort Women ◽  
High Altitude Area

In 2016, a scandal that involved President Park Geun-hye and her confidante shook the country. Cases of bribery, corruption, nepotism, cronyism, illegal persecution of dissenters and so on surfaced. Confidence in Park’s leadership began to waver when she closed the chapter on ‘comfort women’ issue with Japan in December 2015 without public consultation. The deal was unacceptable to the Korean public in the absence of a formal apology from the Japanese government. The speed with which President Park sealed the agreement with the United States to deploy Thermal High Altitude Area Defence also took the country by surprise. These foreign affairs endeavours have wiped out her diplomatic success achieved in 2015.

South Korean Politics and Foreign Policy in 2017 and 2018

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaewoo CHOO
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South Korea ◽  
High Altitude ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Basic Strategy ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The North ◽  
High Altitude Area

The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.

scholarly journals Realities and Strategies in Managing North Korea’s Nuclear Challenge

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 465-484
Author(s):  
Chung Kyung-Young
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
High Altitude Area ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Nuclear Warfare ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S

The nuclear program is arguably Kim Jong-un’s strategic fantasy and core asset for breaking the status quo in order to achieve a unified Korea. To cope with North Korea’s grave nuclear and missile threats, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system needs to be deployed in South Korea for deterrence by denial. In the meantime, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) should not exclude the military option in the event of any further nuclear test and Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) launch experiment by North Korea. The U.S. government should consider redeploying tactical nuclear warheads to South Korea in order to make the extended deterrence more effective. The South Korean government should make it clear that the Republic of Korea (ROK) does not seek to join, nor will it be incorporated into, the U.S.-led missile defense system. The United States and China should cooperate with South Korea to take the lead in achieving a norm-oriented, nuclear-free, and unified Korea. In particular, ROK-U.S.-China strategic cooperation is essential to preventing any potential nuclear warfare and maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea, the United States and China should propose restructured negotiations on important issues that provide genuine incentives for Pyongyang, culminating in complete and verifiable denuclearization and a treaty that will end the tensions on the Peninsula. In addition, the trilateral cooperation needs to adopt a more proactive engagement policy to facilitate North Korea’s lasting transformation.

Negotiating in Good Faith: Overcoming Legitimacy Problems in the Japan-South Korea Reconciliation Process

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (03) ◽  
pp. 621-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Phuong Le
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Good Faith ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Comfort Women ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Reconciliation Process

This article examines why the “history issue” continues to hinder Japanese-Korean relations after nominally successful negotiations such as the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea and the 2015 comfort women agreement. It contends that leaders put off and quite possibly sacrificed reconciliation in order to achieve treaties and agreements that addressed more immediate security, economic, and political needs. However, because agreements were not transparently negotiated, partly due to the lack of a neutral third-party mediator, Koreans believe the treaties were not fair nor final settlements. Additionally, the reconciliation process has been flawed because it haphazardly tackles disagreements and does not consider time. A third-party such as the United States should mediate a settlement between Japan and South Korea to ensure adequate confidence building measures. Such measures will lower the costs of giving and accepting an apology, increasing the chances of an enduring and legitimate treaty.

scholarly journals Klaster Industri Budaya sebagai Dasar Manuver Politik Korea Selatan

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-213
Author(s):  
Asinauli Tamba
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
South Korean ◽  
East Asian Region ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
Production And Distribution ◽  
High Altitude Area

In July 2016, South Korea agreed with its military alliance, the United States to install Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) on its territory. This agreement is the embodiment of the interests of the two countries that were integrated. The United States's interests in spreading influence in the East Asian region and South Korea's interests in protecting the country from North Korea's nuclear test practices on the Korean Peninsula. But the THAAD installation was rejected by China, which considers the instrument as the trigger of tensions in the region and hampering China’s dominance. In expressing its disapproval, China imposed economic sanctions by boycott on South Korean-owned cultural industrial products, namely hallyu. In October 2017, South Korea approved China's request to change its THAAD policy through points listed in the Three NOs. The significant changes in South Korean foreign policy are questionable in this study. This study uses the theory of neorealism as a logical thinking and suggests that hallyu as the main reason for the political maneuvering chosen by South Korea as a boycott of China as the main market share of the hallyu has crippled the South Korean economy. South Korea chose a bandwagoning strategy in the midst of threats in order to be able to maintain the production and distribution of cultural products which are currently the main source of foreign exchange for the country. This research uses qualitative research methods with data collection by literature study.   Keywords: South Korea, China, United States, THAAD, Boycott, Cultural Industry, Hallyu.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
French Foreign Policy

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article

The Proximity of Other Skins

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celine Parreñas Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Pain And Suffering ◽  
The Spectator ◽  
Existing Frames ◽  
The Voice

Transnational films representing intimacy and inequality disrupt and disgust Western spectators. When wounded bodies within poverty entangle with healthy wealthy bodies in sex, romance and care, fear and hatred combine with desire and fetishism. Works from the Philippines, South Korea, and independents from the United States and France may not be made for the West and may not make use of Hollywood traditions. Rather, they demand recognition for the knowledge they produce beyond our existing frames. They challenge us to go beyond passive consumption, or introspection of ourselves as spectators, for they represent new ways of world-making we cannot unsee, unhear, or unfeel. The spectator is redirected to go beyond the rapture of consuming the other to the rupture that arises from witnessing pain and suffering. Self-displacement is what proximity to intimate inequality in cinema ultimately compels and demands so as to establish an ethical way of relating to others. In undoing the spectator, the voice of the transnational filmmaker emerges. Not only do we need to listen to filmmakers from outside Hollywood who unflinchingly engage the inexpressibility of difference, we need to make room for critics and theorists who prioritize the subjectivities of others. When the demographics of filmmakers and film scholars are not as diverse as its spectators, films narrow our worldviews. To recognize our culpability in the denigration of others unleashes the power of cinema. The unbearability of stories we don’t want to watch and don’t want to feel must be borne.

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