scholarly journals China’s Policy Responses to the Economic Impact of CPTPP and their Effectiveness

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Li Chunding ◽  
Zhang Jiehao ◽  
Ping Yifan

The paper uses 2018 data to construct a numerical general equilibrium model containing 26 economies, and adds global value chain and added-value trade into the structure, and systematically simulates the economic effects of China’s response to three scenarios of nine categories of CPTPP policy selection. In line with the simulation results, under the four scenarios in which China takes unilateral measures to deal with the impact of CPTPP, the policy effectiveness from high to low separately includes: the construction of China–Japan–Korea free-trade agreement, the entry into force of RCEP and the further opening-up. In the two scenarios in which China joins the CPTPP, the effect of joining the agreement with the first batch of expansion countries is better, while the effect of joining the CPTPP later is slightly worse. After the United States returned to CPTPP, China chose three scenarios in which the economic effects, from high to low, were to optimize the business environment, take no measures and join CPTPP with the United States. Among the three different options, the economic benefit of China’s active choice to join CPTPP is the best. Second is the effect of China’s unilateral measures on CPTPP. However, once the United States returns to CPTPP, it will bring adverse impact on China. The effective measure to deal with it is to optimize the business environment to reduce the cost of the trade.

Author(s):  
Earl H. Fry

This article examines the ebb and flow of the Quebec government’s economic and commercial relations with the United States in the period 1994–2017. The topic demonstrates the impact of three major forces on Quebec’s economic and commercial ties with the US: (1) the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which became operational in 1994 and was fully implemented over a 15-year period; (2) the onerous security policies put in place by the US government in the decade following the horrific events of 11 September 2001; and (3) changing economic circumstances in the United States ranging from robust growth to the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The article also indicates that the Quebec government continues to sponsor a wide range of activities in the United States, often more elaborate and extensive than comparable activities pursued by many nation-states with representation in the US. 1 1 Stéphane Paquin, ‘Quebec-U.S. Relations: The Big Picture’, American Review of Canadian Studies 46, no. 2 (2016): 149–61.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Kuder

The purpose of this article is to isolate and determine the importance of institutional arrangements in shaping the dynamics of the U.S. GDP in the years 1979–2007. The research hypothesis which has been verified here can be summarized as follows: institutions in the U.S. economy have a positive influence on economic growth through a significant impact on improving the business environment. Having regard to the division of the economy into institutional areas: economic system, labor market, financial market, education and R&D, the author selected these institutional factors which indicated that the operation could be important for the process of economic growth in the United States, and then measured the impact in the years 1979–2007. To verify the thesis about the impact of institutions on economic growth the author used one of the most popular tools in this kind of econometric research – the multiple regression analysis. The analysis revealed that during the period of all the analyzed institutional factors it was the proportion of the working population and the degree of unionization that most strongly influenced the economic growth of the United States – an increase in one of these factors was associated with a much more than proportional increase in the rate of the economic growth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-402
Author(s):  
José Osorio-Antonia ◽  
Lila Margarita Bada-Carbajal ◽  
Luis Arturo Rivas-Tovar

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is twofold. First, the impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the agribusinesses of corn production in Mexico is analyzed, taking into special consideration the policy of encouragement to small producers, productive restructuring and identification of positive and negative effects. Second, the evolution of the US–Mexican maize belts (1994–2017) is analyzed, establishing the economic and political impacts with respect to NAFTA.Design/methodology/approachThe paper opted for a documentary meta-analysis study using data from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the System of Agricultural and Fishery Information (SIAP) in Mexico. The data were completed with documentary analysis of research on maize productivity.FindingsProvided is the information about the impacts of maize belts in the United States (US) and Mexico, where it was determined that the leading states maintained productive hegemony to a greater and lesser extent and that Mexico experienced a productive reorientation. The findings show that it is a myth that there are losers in the maize agroindustry of Mexico and the United States as it is suggested that after twenty-four years they have become complementary.Research limitations/implicationsSummarized is the state of knowledge from 1994 to 2017, aligned to the databases of the United States and Mexico.Originality/valueA need to study the relation between the productive evolution of maize production and NAFTA is identified.


Author(s):  
John P. McCray

The dramatic growth in trade between the United States and Mexico from $12.39 billion to $56.8 billion of U.S. exports and $17.56 billion to $73 billion of U.S. imports between 1977 and 1996 and the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have focused attention on the impact that the truck-transported portion of this trade has on U.S. highways. State and federal highway administrators are concerned with the planning implications this additional unexpected traffic may have on the transportation infrastructure. Public advocacy groups want additional highway funds to promote one NAFTA highway corridor over others in an effort to stimulate additional economic development. Most of these groups advocate a north-south route through the United States between Canada and Mexico that follows the alignment of an existing federal highway number. Research conducted by the U.S. government under the 1991 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act has failed to define NAFTA highway corridors adequately, leaving policy makers with little concrete information with which to combat the rhetoric of the trade highway corridor advocacy groups. A report is provided on research critical to the needs of both highway administrators and corridor advocacy groups, namely, the location of U.S.-Mexican trade highway corridors and the trade truck density along these corridors.


Author(s):  
P. Lynn Kennedy ◽  
Brian Hilbun

This paper seeks to determine the impact of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) on the flow of trade between Australia and the United States. To accomplish this, time series data were gathered for 10 SITC REV. 1(0-9) classifications for the years 1985-2009. These data were then sorted into three sub-classes (by direction of trade flow): 1) U.S. exports for that particular SITC class to Australia, 2) vice versa, and then 3) total trade volume for that particular sub-class between the two nations. These three classifications for each SITC class were then regressed against the explanatory variables of GDP (both Australian/U.S.), Population (both Australian/U.S.), the Relative Exchange Rate (AU$/US$), and a dummy trade agreement variable, AUSFTA. The results suggest that AUSFTA has been a greater trade creation catalyst for Australia than for the United States. In fact, for the United States, a greater level of trade diversion has been the result.


Author(s):  
Roderic Ai Camp

Today all would agree that Mexico and the United States have never been closer--that the fates of the two republics are inextricably intertwined. It has become an intimate part of life in almost every community in the United States, through immigration, imported produce, business ties, or illegal drugs. It is less a neighbor than a sibling; no matter what our differences, it is intricately a part of our existence. In the fully updated second edition of Mexico: What Everyone Needs to Know®, Roderic Ai Camp gives readers the most essential information about our sister republic to the south. Camp organizes chapters around major themes--security and violence, economic development, foreign relations, the colonial heritage, and more. He asks questions that take us beyond the headlines: Why does Mexico have so much drug violence? What was the impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement? How democratic is Mexico? Who were Benito Juárez and Pancho Villa? What is the PRI (the Institutional Revolutionary Party)? The answers are sometimes surprising. Despite ratification of NAFTA, for example, Mexico has fallen behind Brazil and Chile in economic growth and rates of poverty. Camp explains that lack of labor flexibility, along with low levels of transparency and high levels of corruption, make Mexico less competitive than some other Latin American countries. The drug trade, of course, enhances corruption and feeds on poverty; approximately 450,000 Mexicans now work in this sector. Brisk, clear, and informed, Mexico: What Everyone Needs To Know® offers a valuable primer for anyone interested in the past, present, and future of our neighbor to the South.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan B. Kapstein

In recent years, public officials in the United States and abroad have expressed increasing concern over the economic effects of defense spending. It has been alleged that defense spending is a major cause of the budget deficit and is at the root of America's economic “decline.” Even in the Soviet Union, questions are now being raised about the impact of military spending on the civilian economy.As director of a research program at Harvard that focuses on economics and national security, I decided it was important to offer a course on the “political economy of national security.” While Harvard and other major universities in the Boston area offer courses in political economy on the one hand and national security on the other, students have few opportunities to examine national defense from an economic perspective. Given that national security is the largest single economic activity in the United States and many other countries, and given intense student interest in the topic, the time was ripe to devise such a course.The course was first offered in the Harvard Summer School, which is open to undergraduate and graduate students from Harvard and other universities. The only prerequisite was an introductory course in economics. As it turns out, most of the students were more than adequately prepared; among those who attended were students from Harvard Business School, the Kennedy School of Government, some local defense industry executives, military officers, and a number of Ph.D. candidates. For those who might consider offering such a course, I would suggest that the required economics course not be waived in any circumstances; otherwise you will spend a lot of time explaining basic concepts.


1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-309
Author(s):  
Alfonso Gonzalez

Fidel Castro has had a more profound effect upon the course of Latin American affairs than any other individual in recent times. Castro's socioeconomic revolution combined with his political opposition to the United States and his charismatic personality have all contributed to granting him an historical importance of the first magnitude within Latin America. Castroism (or jidelismo to the Latin Americans) embodied much that was longed for by the frustrated Latin American intellectuals and masses. There is no doubt that the impact of Castro has lessened notably since the 1959-1960 period but there is also no doubt that he has contributed significantly to the fundamental altering of policies in Latin America, and he remains a force that must be reckoned with.


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