scholarly journals Então Ela é Escrava? Escrava Isaura, Popular History and National Identity

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (53) ◽  
pp. 162-183
Author(s):  
Paula Halperin

This paper analyzes the soap opera Escrava Isaura, aired in Brazil by the network Rede Globo from October 11, 1976 until February 5, 1977. Based on Bernardo Guimarães’ novel written in 1875, Escrava Isaura enjoyed attention from both the media and a vast national audience at a time when television had become a significant and influential medium. The narrative and aesthetics displayed showed a complex relationship between History and fiction, establishing a peculiar view of the past and slavery. Escrava Isaura launched a lively discussion in the press around slavery, patriarchy, and national identity at a time of military rule in Brazil.

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-34
Author(s):  
Kim Knott ◽  
Solange Lefebvre

During the Religion and Diversity Project’s 2015 annual team meeting, team members and local journalists came together for a panel on presenting research results to the media. Following the lively discussion, on the basis of our experience of researching and working with the media, we were asked to identify key points for communicating research in the press, on radio and television. Here are our top five tips for media engagement, contextualized by our experiences and professional backgrounds.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Soleil Frère

In the past ten years, elections were held in six countries of Central Africa experiencing “post-conflict” situations. The polls that took place in Burundi (2005), the Central African Republic (2005), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006), Congo-Brazzaville (2002, 2007), Chad (1996, 2001, 2006) and Rwanda (2003) were crucial for peace-building. In some cases, they were widely supported and supervised by the international community, being considered the last step of a peace process and the first step toward establishing a truly representative “post-conflict” regime. The media were expected to play a large part in supporting these elections, both to inform the citizens, so they could make an educated choice, and to supervise the way the electoral administration was organizing the polls. This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering these post-conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and economically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38
Author(s):  
Yelena Yermakova

The changing situation in the Arctic due to global warming has prompted media coverage of a supposed “scramble for the Arctic,” an “Arctic boom,” or an “Arctic Bonanza.” Some even go further, deploying the rhetoric of a “New Cold War,” predicting an inevitable clash between the United States and Russia over interests in the region. The press coverage in both countries over the past decade reflects this new sensationalism. The academic literature unequivocally confirms that the press exerts substantial influence on governmental policy makers, and vice versa. However, while scholars agree that international organizations (IOs) are essential to shaping policies, the existing literature lacks research on media’s relationship with IOs, which often struggle to obtain the coverage and publicity they deserve. The Arctic Council has provided an effective platform for constructive dialogue and decision making involving the USA and Russia. Accordingly, despite disagreements in other regions of the world, the two global powers have managed to cooperate in the Arctic – notwithstanding recent media coverage painting a different and incomplete picture. This project surveys the media coverage of the Arctic over the past decade in Russia and the USA and its correlation with the Arctic Council’s activities. The analysis draws upon two prominent news organizations in Russia (Kommersant and Izvestiya) and two in the USA (the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal), as well as the Arctic Council’s press releases from June 2006 to June 2017. The paper finds that there is a clear disconnect between media coverage of the region and the Arctic Council’s activities. It recommends that the media pay more attention to the organization, particularly since it is the only prominent platform for international cooperation in the Arctic.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 288-299
Author(s):  
Tim Kirk

It is a truth universally acknowledged that nowhere is the past a greater burden on the present than in the historian's own area of interest. In Austria, in 2008, the past seemed to be more than usually present. From the outset, it was declared a year of multiple anniversaries; and the years 1848, 1918, 1968, and above all 1938 were recalled in conferences and books and in public discussion in the media. And yet some aspects of the past were curiously absent: Austrian democracy, we learned from an events listings handout distributed at Vienna airport, was established in 1918—only to be extinguished by the Nazis in 1938. In this context, Oliver Rathkolb's finding (presented at a conference on democracy held at the Vienna Museum in March), that forty percent of Austrians do not even know who Engelbert Dollfuss was, is hardly surprising. This is not to say that there is no engagement with the thornier questions of Austria's past—in the University's Institut für Zeitgeschichte, there is talk of little else—but that there is now, as delegates at the same conference agreed, something of a gulf between the general public's understanding of the past and that of academic historians and some sections of the press.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henri C Nickels ◽  
Lyn Thomas ◽  
Mary J Hickman ◽  
Sara Silvestri

There exist many parallels between the experiences of Irish communities in Britain in the past and those of Muslim communities today. However, although they have both been the subject of negative stereotyping, intelligence profiling, wrongful arrest and prejudice, little research has been carried out comparing how these communities are represented in the media. This article addresses this gap by mapping British press coverage of events involving Irish and Muslim communities that occurred between 1974 and 2007. The analysis shows that both sets of communities have been represented as ‘suspect’ to different degrees, which the article attributes to varying perceptions within the press as to the nature of the threat Irish and Muslim communities are thought to pose to Britain. The article concludes that a central concern of the press lies with defending its own constructions of Britishness against perceived extremists, and against abuses of power and authority by the state security apparatus.


Comunicar ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (36) ◽  
pp. 43-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar Rincón

Broadcasting and industrial television is a trip back to the past, to a space devoid of meaning, and to the boredom resulting from its moral conservatism, lack of creativity, thought and entertainment. But television’s monopoly over public screening is over; now, anyone can be a producer, an audiovisual narrator with his or her own screen. New television and other screens are daring to change the way stories are told: a more subjective, testimonial and imagebased journalism; a hyperrealist soap opera that dares to bring melodrama to comedy, documentary and local cultures; a bottom-up media with people in charge of breaking with the thematic and political homogeneity of the media, market and development machines. This essay will argue in favor of television as a space for expression by unstable identities, narrative experiments and unknown possibilities for audiovisual creation…only if «it takes the form» of women, indigenous peoples, African races, the environment, other sexualities…and plays on YouTube and new screens that are community-based and cellular. The most important thing is for television to move away from an obsession with content towards aesthetic and narrative explorations of other identities and into narratives that are more «collaboractive», with the possibility that they become the stories we want them to be.La televisión generalista e industrial es un viaje al pasado, al vacío de sentido y al aburrimiento por su conservadurismo moral, su pereza creativa, su ausencia de pensamiento y su pobre modo de entender el entretenimiento. Pero el monopolio televisivo de la pantalla pública se acabó, pues ahora todo ciudadano puede ser un productor, narrador audiovisual y tener pantalla. Así aparecen nuevas televisiones y otras pantallas que se atreven a contar distinto: un periodismo más subjetivo, testimonial y pensado desde las imágenes; una telenovela hiperrealista que se atreve a intervenir el melodrama desde la comedia, el documental y las culturas locales; unos medios de abajo y con la gente que se hacen para romper con la homogeneidad temática y política de las máquinas mediática, del mercado y del desarrollo. En este ensayo se argumenta a favor de la televisión como lugar de expresión de identidades inestables, experimentos narrativos y posibilidades inéditas para la creación audiovisual… solo si «toma la forma» de mujer, de lo indígena, afro, medio ambiental, otras sexualidades… y juega en nuevas pantallas como Youtube, lo comunitario y el celular. Lo más urgente es que la televisión pase de la obsesión por los contenidos a las exploraciones estéticas y narrativas desde las identidades otras y en narrativas más «colaboractivas» porque existe la posibilidad de ser los relatos que queremos ser.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina R. Slesareva ◽  
Оlga A. Ryzhkina ◽  
Anatoli F. Fefelov

The current paper is concerned with linguocultural (ethnolinguistic) analysis of australianisms as culture specific words which are either not found in British English (the mother tongue) or are different from their British counterparts to some extent. The main research question was to identify the key lexemes of this type and establish correlation between them and Australian values (the national identity) as well as ethnostereotypes in modern Australian society. The novelty of the approach to studying these lexical units is in looking at them in terms of their functioning in speech and pragmatics based on the most sensitive to social change and dynamic type of discourse – the media (The material was drawn for the national papers “The Daily Telegraph, Australia” and “The Australian” over the past decade). By means of the random selection method, definitional and contextual analyses six key concepts have been identified (fair go, fair dinkum, larrikin, battler, bludger, (hard) yakka – the last word being aboriginal) and their place in the national identity structure defined. Also, we found some differences in how the same australianisms were presented and ranked in either paper manifesting certain values (for example, battler) or anti-values (for example, bludger) depending on the editorial board’s opinion and/or the content. For instance, “The Daily Telegraph” clearly highlighted the idea of justice (e.g. fair go, fair dinkum), while “The Autralian” put more focus on praising the stubbornness of Australians in the struggle against various obstacles (e.g. battler). References to the boisterous (larrikin) nature of Australians were somewhat more frequent “The Daily Telegraph”, although this concept was quite important for both newspapers. One of the most interesting results we got was a shift in connotations of several australianisms. Thus, it was shown that some words (for example, larrikin), originally having a negative meaning, with time may become positively connoted, characterising a certain previously disapproved type of person / behavior as normal. The study can be continued to include more words of this type, especially aboriginal ones which are already used in media and call for ethnolinguistic (linguocultural) interpretation by researchers.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Alessander Kerber ◽  
Cleber Cristiano Prodanov

O texto analisa as lutas de representações em torno da construção de identidades ligadas ao espaço geográfico da nação brasileira e da cidade de Novo Hamburgo (RS) através do seu principal jornal, O 5 de Abril, no período de 1927, momento de sua emancipação, até 1945, final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e da ditadura do Estado Novo. Este período foi marcado pela construção de versões acerca destas duas identidades e de sua disseminação através da imprensa. As duas versões apresentavam conflitos especialmente focados no fato de a cidade ser representada por signos que remetiam ao processo de imigração alemã, e à nação, por signos que remetiam à mestiçagem. Tais conflitos acirraram-se no momento em que o Brasil entrou na Segunda Guerra Mundial contra a Alemanha. Palavras-chave: cidade; identidade nacional; imprensa. Abstract: This is an analysis of the struggle over representations involving the construction of identities rooted in the geographical space of the nation of Brazil and the city of Novo Hamburgo using the city’s main newspaper, “O 5 de Abril”, which was published from 1927, when the city was officially recognized, until 1945, which marked the end of the Second World War and of the Estado Novo dictatorship in Brazil. This period was marked by the construction of different versions of these two identities and their massification by the media. These versions were in conflict, specifically focused on the fact that the city was represented through signs that refer to the process of German immigration, while there presentation of the nation was through signs referring the intermixing of races. These conflicts intensified when Brazil entered the Second World War against Germany. Keywords: city, national identity, the press.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristi A. Allain

The paper argues that the Canadian media’s representations of National Hockey League (NHL) player Alexander Ovechkin work to locate Canadian national identity through its contrasts with the hockey superstar. Even though the press celebrates Ovechkin as a challenge to Cold War understandings of Soviet hockey players as lacking passion and heart as well as physical play, they also present Ovechkin as a ‘dirty’ hockey player who is wild and out of control. By assessing reports from two Canadian national newspapers, the Globe and Mail and the National Post, from 2009 to 2012, and comparing these documents to reports on two Cold War hockey contests, the 1972 Summit Series and the 1987 World Junior Hockey Championships, this article demonstrates how the Canadian media’s paradoxical representations of Ovechkin break with and rearticulate Cold War understandings of Russian/Soviet athletes. Furthermore, when the press characterizes Ovechkin and other Russian hockey players as wild, unpredictable and out-of-control, they produce Canadian players as polite, disciplined and well-mannered. Through these opposing representations, the media helps to locate Canadian national hockey identity within a frame of appropriate masculine expression.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-114
Author(s):  
David McCrone

The Scottish press and media have been credited with keeping alive and amplifying Scottish national identity, and with it, the Scottish Home Rule project. And yet, the Scottish press has undergone a massive decline in sales and readership in the last fifty years. This brief commentary addresses the apparent anomaly that the press, the ostensible carriers of the Scottish political project, are no longer vital to its development in the 21st century.


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