scholarly journals Discrimination and hate speech against North Korean Schools in Japan

2018 ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Bruno Alexandre Carvalho ◽  
Lilian Yamamoto

This paper illustrates the discrimination suffered by ethnic schools in Japan today, especially those aimed at Korean children, who face great obstacles to appreciate their rights to education, including a lack of subsidies to their schools and tax exemption opportunities for donators. It also discusses the rise of hate speech from right-wing nationalist groups towards these schools and their students, and the ineffectiveness of current governmental measures to suppress such behavior.

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Bruno Alexandre Carvalho ◽  
Lilian Yamamoto

This paper illustrates the discrimination suffered by ethnic schools in Japan today, especially those aimed at Korean children, who face great obstacles to appreciate their rights to education, including a lack of subsidies to their schools and tax exemption opportunities for donators. It also discusses the rise of hate speech from right-wing nationalist groups towards these schools and their students, and the ineffectiveness of current governmental measures to suppress such behavior.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-276
Author(s):  
Prashanth Bhat

Widespread dissemination of hate speech on corporate social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube has necessitated technological companies to moderate content on their platforms. At the receiving end of these content moderation efforts are supporters of right-wing populist parties, who have gained notoriety for harassing journalists, spreading disinformation, and vilifying liberal activists. In recent months, several prominent right-wing figures across the world were removed from social media - a phenomenon also known as ‘deplatforming’- for violating platform policies. Prominent among such right-wing groups are online supporters of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, who have begun accusing corporate social media of pursuing a ‘liberal agenda’ and ‘curtailing free speech.’ In response to deplatforming, the BJP-led Government of India has aggressively promoted and embraced Koo, an indigenously developed social media platform. This commentary examines the implications of this alternative social platform for the online communicative environment in the Indian public sphere.


Adeptus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Witkowska

A New Singer-Songwriter: The Songs and Activity of Tomáš Hnídek in Czech Extreme Right-Wing DiscourseThis article aims to present the songs and activity of Tomáš Hnídek and their reception among extreme right-wing sympathisers in the Czech Republic over the last decade. The study analyses the use of selected elements of collective imagery related to the singer-songwriter convention, with particular reference to the figure of Karel Kryl. It also draws attention to persuasive techniques of creating an image and to their influence on the reception of the singer-songwriter genre in the context of hate speech and struggle over a new politics of memory in the Czech Republic, pursued by extreme right-wing politicians and their followers. Nowy bard. Twórczość i działania Tomáša Hnídka w dyskursie czeskiej skrajnej prawicyZadaniem artykułu jest przybliżenie twórczości i działań Tomáša Hnídka oraz ich recepcji wśród zwolenników skrajnej prawicy w minionej dekadzie w Czechach. W artykule podjęto analizę zjawiska eksploatacji wybranych wyobrażeń zbiorowych łączonych z nurtem bardowskim ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odwołań do postaci Karela Kryla. Zwrócono szczególną uwagę na występujące zabiegi z obszaru kreacji i autokreacji o niezwykle perswazyjnym potencjale oraz ich wpływ na kształtowanie się dalszej recepcji twórczości bardowskiej w kontekście mowy nienawiści oraz walki o nową politykę pamięci w Czechach, podejmowanej przez polityków skrajnej prawicy i ich sympatyków.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Katarina Damcevic ◽  
Filip Rodik

The article analyzes nationalistically motivated online hate speech on selected right-wing public Facebook pages in Croatia. The rise of historical revisionism and populism paved the way for the growing presence of hate speech, with the most salient example being the resurfacing of the World War II fascist salute Za dom spremni (“Ready for the Homeland”) across different communicative situations. We account for the online dynamic of Za dom spremni as well as for the most frequent expressions of xenophobia that accompany the salute by presenting data gathered between 2012 – 2017 using Facebook Graph API. From the total of 4.5 million postings published by readers, those containing Za dom spremni and its variations were filtered and followed by the frequency and prevalence of the accompanying notions. By relying on cultural semiotics, we highlight the socio-communicative functions of hate speech on two levels. Firstly, the notion of the semiosphere helps us illustrate how hate speech is used to reproduce the idea of Croatianness as the dominant self-description. Secondly, we examine how the dominant self-description maintains the boundary between us and the other by merging diverse textual fragments and how their perseverance depends on the communicative situations they enter online.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110593
Author(s):  
Mohammad Atari ◽  
Aida Mostafazadeh Davani ◽  
Drew Kogon ◽  
Brendan Kennedy ◽  
Nripsuta Ani Saxena ◽  
...  

Online radicalization is among the most vexing challenges the world faces today. Here, we demonstrate that homogeneity in moral concerns results in increased levels of radical intentions. In Study 1, we find that in Gab—a right-wing extremist network—the degree of moral convergence within a cluster predicts the number of hate-speech messages members post. In Study 2, we replicate this observation in another extremist network, Incels. In Studies 3 to 5 ( N = 1,431), we demonstrate that experimentally leading people to believe that others in their hypothetical or real group share their moral views increases their radical intentions as well as willingness to fight and die for the group. Our findings highlight the role of moral convergence in radicalization, emphasizing the need for diversity of moral worldviews within social networks.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 274-302
Author(s):  
Ronaldo Porto Macedo Junior

Abstract Freedom of Expression is becoming a theme of growing importance and visibility in Brazil. Newspapers report daily legal suits against “hate speech” concerning race and religious discrimination. Many courts are also imposing high compensation damages that are challenging the “right to ridicule” in comedy shows and newspapers cartoons. The Brazilian public opinion in general tends to be sympathetic to more restrictive rules that may threaten freedom of expression in Brazil. There is nowadays in Brazil an unexpected agreement among the right wing, religious groups, and many human rights movements that support a European model of free speech. In many ways, the “Brazilian Model” based on balancing doctrine and a vague conceptualization of Human Dignity gives a lot of discretion for courts to decide the limits of freedom of expression. Court decisions based on balancing rhetoric is becoming dominant in Brazilian Constitutional court and usually try to avoid some epistemological issues concerning objectivity and moral justification. This article advocates that Brazilian interpretation of freedom expression has a lot to learn from the US model and doctrine. The US more strict and conceptual jurisprudence on this issue offers a powerful and democratic alternative to the balancing model and represents a rich conceptual analysis still unknown by Brazilian courts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kamińska-Korolczuk

The impact of hate speech contained in the statements of the Alternative for Germany party representatives on changes taking place in the media management system in Germany The purpose of the article is to present the introduced legal solutions regulating the functioning and management of the media system in Germany, which came into force under the influence of changes in political communication. A case study is presented examples of hate speech in the discourse of the party of the new right-wing populism –Alternative for Germany (Alternative fur Deutschland, AfD). The party uses rhetoric which until now has been marginal in the German media and since the refugee crisis it has become an increasingly common form of expression. The analysis was conducted against the backdrop of events that influenced the Bundestags to adopted Law improving law enforcement in social networks (Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Rechtsdurchsetzung in sozialen Netzwerken, Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, NetzDG). The analysis leads to the conclusions that the new right-wing populism changed the style of communication on the German political scene, which is not without influence on the decisions making by the legislator to introduce specific legal provisions regulating the management and framework of discourse in the social media in this state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-114
Author(s):  
Alessandra Vitullo

Abstract Online radical Islam is a topic widely studied by scholars and notoriously discussed among non- experts as well (Awan, 2007; Von Behr et al. 2013; Gray & Head 2009). Because of its intrinsic characteristics (i.e. accessibility, anonymity, or users’ identity dissimulation), the internet has always been a useful tool for propagandists of Islamic fundamentalism (Fighel, 2007; Stenersen, 2008; Koehler, 2014). However, in the last decade, studies have questioned the real importance and magnitude of Islamic radicalization online (Gill et al., 2017). In fact, while scholars were focused on observing digital Islamic radicalization, a galaxy of new forms of extremism was growing online (Silva et al., 2017; Roversi, 2008) that no longer made Islam an exceptional case study. Today, Muslim people are one of the groups most aggressively targeted by extremist, intolerant, violent, and radical discourses (Elahi & Khan, 2017; Amnesty International, 2019). Anti-Muslim hate speech has spread online throughout Europe and the United States, reinforced by the propaganda and political discourse of populist right-wing parties (Hafez, 2014; Bakali 2016). This paper introduces some large-scale action-research projects developed in Europe and Italy in the last three years (2016–2019) and aims to reconstruct the most updated Islamophobia state of the art in terms of numbers, characteristics, and phenomenology from the offline to the online context.


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