U.S.–China Trade Tensions on Indonesia's Trade and Investment

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-112
Author(s):  
Lili Yan Ing ◽  
Yessi Vadila

Our paper describes how the U.S.–China trade tensions affect Indonesia's trade and investment. The direct impacts come through increasing uncertainties, lower world demand, and diverted East Asian regional production networks. The indirect impacts can be observed in trade and investment reallocations. Amidst the tension, in 2018, the Indonesian economy grew 5.17 percent with reserves of 6.7 months of imports. Its trade with the United States and China grew by 7.5 percent and 23.5 percent, respectively. Although creating opportunities for Indonesia in the short run, trade tensions will repress the world economy. Indonesia understands that trade openness will improve productivity and we believe it will continue its reforms to be more open and integrated into the world economy.

Equilibrium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Czarny ◽  
Paweł Folfas

We analyse potential consequences of the forthcoming Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States (TTIP) for trade orientation of both partners. We do it so with along with the short analysis of the characteristics of the third wave of regionalism and the TTIP position in this process as well as the dominant role of the EU and the U.S. in the world economy – especially – in the world trade. Next, we study trade orientation of the hypothetical region created in result of TTIP. We use regional trade introversion index (RTII) to analyze trade between the EU and the U.S. that has taken place until now to get familiar with the potential changes caused by liberalization of trade between both partners. We analyze RTII for mutual trade of the EU and the U.S. Then, we apply disaggregated data to analyze and compare selected partial RTII (e.g. for trade in final and intermediate goods as well as goods produced in the main sectors of economy like agriculture or manufacturing). The analysis of the TTIP region’s orientation of trade based on the historical data from the period 1999-2012 revealed several conclusions. Nowadays, the trade between the EU and the U.S. is constrained by the protection applied by both partners. Trade liberalization constituting one necessary part of TTIP will surely help to intensify this trade. The factor of special concern is trade of agricultural products which is most constrained and will hardly be fully liberalized even within a framework of TTIP. Simultaneously, both parties are even now trading relatively intensively with intermediaries, which are often less protected than the average of the economy for the sake of development of final goods’ production. The manufactured goods are traded relatively often as well, mainly in consequence of their poor protection after many successful liberalization steps in the framework of GATT/WTO. Consequently, we point out that in many respects the TTIP will be important not only for its participants, but for the whole world economy as well. TTIP appears to be an economic and political project with serious consequences for the world economy and politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Salif Kone ◽  

The trade war, which antagonizes today the United States and China, questions the free trade principle in international trade. To show the dangerousness of this trade war for the world economy, this paper explores the theoretical limits of the comparative advantage principle by analyzing the limitations of the applicability of the comparative costs and endowments criteria. We conclude that the international trade theories not based on the comparative advantage principle are the exception to the rule and therefore, cannot be used to justify the American positions, except to introduce a certain degree of political considerations. Specifically, we show that the international trade theories, other than the Ricardian theory and the HOS factorial theory, are exceptions to the applicability of the comparative costs and endowments criteria. In light of this argument, one should seek explanations of the war-like trade logic of the Trump Administration in the international political economy. In this perspective, international trade is no longer necessarily a positive-sum game.


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Byambakhand Luguusharav ◽  
Bolormaa Budjav

Republican candidate Donald J. Trump, who ran in the 2016 US presidential elections with a slogan “Make America Great Again” defined his foreign policy as “America First”. He set out to balance the long-running deficit of the United States, which led to the US-China trade war. The war not only affected the economies of Washington and Beijing but also it had a devastating effect on the world economy. The first part of the article discusses the concept of a trade war, while the second part analyzes the origins, causes, and course of the trade war between the United States and China, and the trade agreement between the two countries that have temporarily stopped the trade war. At the end of the article, the positive and negative implications of the US-China trade war on the economies of both countries and the global economy will be reviewed. АНУ-БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн, дэлхийн эдийн засагт үзүүлсэн нөлөө Хураангуй: АНУ-ын Ерөнхийлөгчийн 2016 оны сонгуульд “Америкийг дахин агуу болгоё” гэсэн мөрийн хөтөлбөртэй оролцсон Д.Трамп ялалт байгуулж, өөрийн гадаад бодлогыг “Америкийг эн тэргүүнд тавих” хэмээн тодорхойлсон юм. Улмаар тэрээр олон жилийн туршид асар их алдагдалтай явж ирсэн Америкийн гадаад худалдааны балансыг тэнцвэржүүлэх зорилт дэвшүүлсэн нь АНУ- БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн гарахад нөлөөлсөн. Энэ дайн нь Вашингтон, Бээжингийн эдийн засагт нөлөөлөөд зогсохгүй дэлхийн эдийн засгийг доргилтонд оруулаад байна. Толилуулан буй өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт худалдааны дайны тухай ойлголтыг авч үзэх бол хоёрдугаар хэсэгт АНУ-БНХАУ-ын хооронд өрнөсөн худалдааны дайны үүсэл, шалтгаан, өрнөл, энэ дайныг түр зогсоогоод байгаа хоёр улсын худалдааны хэлэлцээрт дүн шинжилгээ хийнэ. Өгүүллийн төгсгөлд, АНУ-БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн нь хоёр улсын эдийн засагт төдийгүй дэлхийн эдийн засагт үзүүлсэн эерэг, сөрөг нөлөөлийн талаар дүн шинжилгээ хийсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: АНУ, БНХАУ, худалдааны дайн, дэлхийн эдийн засаг, тариф


1949 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Antonin Basch ◽  
Norman S. Buchanan ◽  
Friedrich A. Lutz

2021 ◽  
pp. 966-981
Author(s):  
Sergey Gennadyevich Kapkanshchikov

The article uses the methodology of systemic global analysis and the theory of systemic cycles of capital accumulation to argue that we are now at a turning point of the modern era in connection with the unfolding change in the dominant world economic order. Based on the methodological approach, within the framework of which there is a hegemonic country and the rest of the world, the forecast regarding the forthcoming multipolarity of the world economy is rejected. Various stages of capital and financial expansion with their inherent, respectively, dirigistic and liberal models of state regulation of the economy are compared to each other. A chronological overview of the Spanish-Genoese, Dutch, British, American and Asian accumulation cycles is presented. The patterns of their change in the course of the formation of new technological structures are revealed. The place of Russia in the process of natural evolution of world economic structures is also identified. The objective and subjective reasons for the longterm hegemony of the United States, as well as factors of the upcoming completion of the American cycle of capital accumulation in the foreseeable future, are revealed. The author outlines the tactics employed by the American authorities to counteract the objective hegemonic cycles. The reasons for the movement of the center of the world economy to the East Asian region are revealed, with the justification of the need for a natural inclusion of Russia in the functioning of the Asian world economic order.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Kevin Morris ◽  
Mohammad Nami ◽  
Joe F. Bolanos ◽  
Maria A. Lobo ◽  
Melody Sadri-Naini ◽  
...  

Neurological disorders significantly impact the world’s economy due to their often chronic and life-threatening nature afflicting individuals which, in turn, creates a global disease burden. The Group of Twenty (G20) member nations, which represent the largest economies globally, should come together to formulate a plan on how to overcome this burden. The Neuroscience-20 (N20) initiative of the Society for Brain Mapping and Therapeutics (SBMT) is at the vanguard of this global collaboration to comprehensively raise awareness about brain, spine, and mental disorders worldwide. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive review of the various brain initiatives worldwide and highlight the need for cooperation and recommend ways to bring down costs associated with the discovery and treatment of neurological disorders. Our systematic search revealed that the cost of neurological and psychiatric disorders to the world economy by 2030 is roughly $16T. The cost to the economy of the United States is $1.5T annually and growing given the impact of COVID-19. We also discovered there is a shortfall of effective collaboration between nations and a lack of resources in developing countries. Current statistical analyses on the cost of neurological disorders to the world economy strongly suggest that there is a great need for investment in neurotechnology and innovation or fast-tracking therapeutics and diagnostics to curb these costs. During the current COVID-19 pandemic, SBMT, through this paper, intends to showcase the importance of worldwide collaborations to reduce the population’s economic and health burden, specifically regarding neurological/brain, spine, and mental disorders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


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