COP-15 in Copenhagen: How the Merging of Movements Left Civil Society Out in the Cold

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana R. Fisher

What happened to non-governmental organizations' participation at the COP-15 round of climate negotiations in Copenhagen? Although the climate regime has been seen as relatively open to civil society, everything changed in Copenhagen and civil society became increasingly disenfranchised. This article discusses the three main forces that led to civil society's disenfranchisement at this round of the climate negotiations: increased registration, poor planning by the Danish organizers and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat, and the merging of movements. I conclude by discussing implications of the increase in civil society disenfranchisement to the climate regime and to the study of global environmental politics more broadly.

Author(s):  
Erin R. Graham

International relations scholarship on climate change exists primarily in the field of Global Environmental Politics (GEP) and outside the substantive purview of mainstream International Political Economy (IPE). This chapter argues that the climate crisis is fundamentally an IPE problem, and it requires attention from IPE scholars as a primary subject of interest. To facilitate engagement, the chapter reviews a diverse literature at the intersection of IPE and climate across three substantive areas: the global climate regime, trade, and renewable energy transitions. Each section offers avenues for research, and provides ideas on how to put concepts and ideas from IPE to work in climate crisis scholarship.


2004 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars H. Gulbrandsen ◽  
Steinar Andresen

While most scholars agree that NGOs make a difference in global environmental politics, there has been little systematic work that looks at the actual influence NGOs have on policy outcomes. This paper looks to shed some new light on the question of NGO effectiveness through an evaluation of the role played by NGOs in climate negotiations. We begin with a brief sketch of different kinds of green NGOs, along with a review of the sorts of strategies and resources they employ. Next, we look to gauge the influence that NGOs have had on recent rounds of negotiations to do with compliance, flexibility mechanisms, and appropriate crediting rules for sinks. Our analysis is based on detailed interviews with members of some of the most prominent environmental NGOs involved in climate work. Finally, we suggest, based on our findings, some means by which NGOs may look to extend their influence in the development of the climate regime. Our analysis points to the crucial need for further “insider” capacity—that is, NGOs are likely to have the most far-reaching influence on future climate negotiations if they foster ways to work closely and collaboratively with key negotiators and governments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 448
Author(s):  
Elsa Inés DALMASSO

Resumen: La Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas para el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC) establecida en mayo de 1992, en la «Cumbre de la Tierra de Río de Janeiro», entró en vigor en marzo de 1994 con la premisa de reforzar la conciencia pública a escala mundial sobre los problemas relativos al Cambio Climático. Entre sus objetivos principales se destaca la estabilización de las concentraciones de Gases de Efecto Invernadero (GEI) en la atmósfera, para impedir riesgos en el sistema climático. La Conferencia de las Partes (COP) se establece como el órgano supremo de la Convención y la asociación de todos los países que forman parte de ella. Como asimismo lo es en calidad de Reunión de las Partes del Protocolo de Kioto (PK), En las reuniones anuales de la COP participan expertos en medio ambiente, ministros, jefes de estado y organizaciones no gubernamentales con la función de supervisar y examinar la aplicación de la Convención y del Protocolo. El objetivo es preparar inventarios de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero por las fuentes y su absorción por los sumideros, promoviendo y facilitando el intercambio de información sobre las medidas adoptadas y el desarrollo del proceso de negociación entre las Partes de la Convención. Concluyendo con la elaboración de un Compromiso de Estados, Empresas y Comunidad respecto a la regulación de los efectos sobre cambio climático.   Palabras clave: Cambio Climático; Naciones Unidas; Conferencia de las Partes.   Abstract: The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) established in May 1992, at the "Earth Summit of Rio de Janeiro"; It entered into force in March 1994 with the premise of strengthening public awareness on a global scale about the problems related to Climate Change. Among its main objectives is the stabilization of concentrations of greenhouse gases (GHG) in the atmosphere, to prevent risks in the climate system. The Conference of the Parties (COP) is established as the supreme organ of the Convention and the association of all the countries that are part of it. As it is also in the capacity of the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (KP), Environmental experts, ministers, heads of state and non-governmental organizations participate in the annual meetings of the COP, with the function of supervising and examining the application of the Convention and the Protocol, in order to prepare inventories of greenhouse gas emissions. greenhouse effect by the sources and their absorption by the sinks, promoting and facilitating the exchange of information on the measures adopted and the development of the negotiation process between the Parties to the Convention. Concluding with the elaboration of a Commitment of States, Companies and Community regarding the regulation of the effects on climate change Keywords: Climate Change; United Nations; Conference of the Parties


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Williams

Marian Miller provided an engaging and persuasive analysis of the role of Third World states in global environmental negotiations. While Miller focused on the strategies of individual states, this article examines the collective agency of the Third World in global environmental negotiations. The first part of the article explores the debates on the continuing relevance of the Third World as a concept, and contends that the Third World retains relevance in the context of global bargaining processes. The second part of the article highlights the role of ideas and institutions in the continued reproduction of the Third World as an actor in global environmental politics. The final part of the article explores the ways in which the negotiations on climate change have tended to reproduce a distinctive Southern perspective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Downie

Over the last two decades, business actors have received growing attention in global environmental politics. In the context of climate change, scholars have demonstrated the capacity of business actors to directly shape outcomes at the national, international, and transnational levels. However, very little work has focused exclusively on business actors in the coal and utility industries. This is surprising, given that resistance from these industries could delay or even derail government attempts to address climate change. Accordingly, this article focuses directly on the preferences of business actors in the coal and utility industries. Drawing on interviews with executives across the US energy sector, it considers business preferences on two of the most important attempts by the Obama administration to limit emissions from coal: the Waxman-Markey bill and the Clean Power Plan. In doing so, it provides new insights about the preferences of these actors and the divisions within these industries that could be exploited by policy-makers and activists seeking to enact climate change regulations.


Author(s):  
Jean-Frédéric Morin ◽  
Amandine Orsini ◽  
Sikina Jinnah

Global Environmental Politics provides an up-to-date introduction to the most important issues dominating this fast-moving field. Going beyond the issue of climate change, the text also introduces readers to the pressing issues of desertification, trade in hazardous waste, biodiversity protection, whaling, acid rain, ozone-depletion, water consumption, and over-fishing. Importantly, the text pays particular attention to the interactions between environmental politics and other governance issues, such as gender, trade, development, health, agriculture, and security. Adopting an analytical approach, the text explores and evaluates a wide variety of political perspectives, testing assumptions and equipping readers with the necessary tools to develop their own arguments and, ultimately, inspiring new research endeavours in this diverse field.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Nicholas Chan

Abstract The Paris Agreement is increasingly being used as an analogy in global environmental politics to discuss issues beyond climate change. This Forum article explores the two main ways in which this analogy has been discursively employed: as a symbol of diplomatic success to be emulated and as a model for institutional treaty design. It illustrates the broader meanings associated with the Paris Agreement, reflecting its preeminent public and political profile among environmental issues just a few years into its history and its potential significance in shaping subsequent global environmental negotiations.


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand ◽  
Robert Garner ◽  
Stephanie Lawson

This chapter examines the ways in which governance and organizations influence global politics. It first provides an overview of what an international organization is, focusing on intergovernmental organizations and non-governmental organizations, before discussing the rise of organizations in the global sphere from the nineteenth century onwards. It then takes a look at the major intergovernmental institutions that emerged in the twentieth century and which have played a major role in shaping global order, including the League of Nations and its successor, the United Nations (UN). The chapter concludes with an analysis of ideas about social movements and civil society, along with their relationship to contemporary governance and organizations.


Author(s):  
Mike Schroeder ◽  
Paul Wapner

What is the relationship between the United Nations and civil society? Has the relationship changed over time? This chapter demonstrates how both the UN and civil society benefit from sustained interaction. It investigates civil society’s role in the UN’s struggle to gain legitimacy, assert its authority, and carry out its missions. Similarly, it explores how civil society actors engage the UN as they work to garner credibility, support, and governing authority. It argues that the limitations of statism—the overriding power of states in world affairs—inspire the UN to work with civil society and encourage both the UN and civil society to make claims to be representatives of the world’s peoples. It starts by defining civil society and then describes the cooperative and conflictual interactions between the UN and civil society. The chapter concludes by analyzing these interactions in the context of questions of legitimacy, accountability, and good governance.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnie D. Lipschutz

This essay disputes the arguments made by Robert Paehlke and John Dryzek in their contributions to this issue of Global Environmental Politics. Both reform and resistance are necessary, but not sufficient, elements in collective efforts to facilitating global and local environmental protection and sustainable development. What is essential, as well, are campaigns to establish alternative institutional frameworks for the fulfillment of these goals. This essay suggests that initiatives such as those found around the issue of sustainable forestry practices might be the basis for such frameworks and, in the long run, could pressure both capital and governments to agree on strengthened and effective systems of public environmental regulation. The essay also notes the so-called democratic deficit among non-governmental organizations and movements, but questions whether there is any democracy among capitals and international institutions.


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