scholarly journals Las Conferencias sobre el Cambio Climático – COP: Compromiso de Estados, Empresas y Comunidad

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 448
Author(s):  
Elsa Inés DALMASSO

Resumen: La Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas para el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC) establecida en mayo de 1992, en la «Cumbre de la Tierra de Río de Janeiro», entró en vigor en marzo de 1994 con la premisa de reforzar la conciencia pública a escala mundial sobre los problemas relativos al Cambio Climático. Entre sus objetivos principales se destaca la estabilización de las concentraciones de Gases de Efecto Invernadero (GEI) en la atmósfera, para impedir riesgos en el sistema climático. La Conferencia de las Partes (COP) se establece como el órgano supremo de la Convención y la asociación de todos los países que forman parte de ella. Como asimismo lo es en calidad de Reunión de las Partes del Protocolo de Kioto (PK), En las reuniones anuales de la COP participan expertos en medio ambiente, ministros, jefes de estado y organizaciones no gubernamentales con la función de supervisar y examinar la aplicación de la Convención y del Protocolo. El objetivo es preparar inventarios de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero por las fuentes y su absorción por los sumideros, promoviendo y facilitando el intercambio de información sobre las medidas adoptadas y el desarrollo del proceso de negociación entre las Partes de la Convención. Concluyendo con la elaboración de un Compromiso de Estados, Empresas y Comunidad respecto a la regulación de los efectos sobre cambio climático.   Palabras clave: Cambio Climático; Naciones Unidas; Conferencia de las Partes.   Abstract: The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) established in May 1992, at the "Earth Summit of Rio de Janeiro"; It entered into force in March 1994 with the premise of strengthening public awareness on a global scale about the problems related to Climate Change. Among its main objectives is the stabilization of concentrations of greenhouse gases (GHG) in the atmosphere, to prevent risks in the climate system. The Conference of the Parties (COP) is established as the supreme organ of the Convention and the association of all the countries that are part of it. As it is also in the capacity of the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (KP), Environmental experts, ministers, heads of state and non-governmental organizations participate in the annual meetings of the COP, with the function of supervising and examining the application of the Convention and the Protocol, in order to prepare inventories of greenhouse gas emissions. greenhouse effect by the sources and their absorption by the sinks, promoting and facilitating the exchange of information on the measures adopted and the development of the negotiation process between the Parties to the Convention. Concluding with the elaboration of a Commitment of States, Companies and Community regarding the regulation of the effects on climate change Keywords: Climate Change; United Nations; Conference of the Parties

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana R. Fisher

What happened to non-governmental organizations' participation at the COP-15 round of climate negotiations in Copenhagen? Although the climate regime has been seen as relatively open to civil society, everything changed in Copenhagen and civil society became increasingly disenfranchised. This article discusses the three main forces that led to civil society's disenfranchisement at this round of the climate negotiations: increased registration, poor planning by the Danish organizers and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat, and the merging of movements. I conclude by discussing implications of the increase in civil society disenfranchisement to the climate regime and to the study of global environmental politics more broadly.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Robyn Gulliver ◽  
Kelly S. Fielding ◽  
Winnifred Louis

Climate change is a global problem requiring a collective response. Grassroots advocacy has been an important element in propelling this collective response, often through the mechanism of campaigns. However, it is not clear whether the climate change campaigns organized by the environmental advocacy groups are successful in achieving their goals, nor the degree to which other benefits may accrue to groups who run them. To investigate this further, we report a case study of the Australian climate change advocacy sector. Three methods were used to gather data to inform this case study: content analysis of climate change organizations’ websites, analysis of website text relating to campaign outcomes, and interviews with climate change campaigners. Findings demonstrate that climate change advocacy is diverse and achieving substantial successes such as the development of climate change-related legislation and divestment commitments from a range of organizations. The data also highlights additional benefits of campaigning such as gaining access to political power and increasing groups’ financial and volunteer resources. The successful outcomes of campaigns were influenced by the ability of groups to sustain strong personal support networks, use skills and resources available across the wider environmental advocacy network, and form consensus around shared strategic values. Communicating the successes of climate change advocacy could help mobilize collective action to address climate change. As such, this case study of the Australian climate change movement is relevant for both academics focusing on social movements and collective action and advocacy-focused practitioners, philanthropists, and non-governmental organizations.


Waterlines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-143
Author(s):  
Richard Carter

The machinery of international humanitarian response, once triggered and functioning in a country, has a life of its own. A multiplicity of United Nations agencies and international non-governmental organizations set up their programmes. The various sector- or subject-focused ‘clusters’, established to strengthen pre-emergency preparedness and operational coordination once an emergency has occurred, are activated. Humanitarian response plans are published, and appeals for funds made.


1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (293) ◽  
pp. 94-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Doswald-Beck ◽  
Sylvain Vité

International humanitarian law is increasingly perceived as part of human rights law applicable in armed conflict. This trend can be traced back to the United Nations Human Rights Conference held in Tehran in 1968 which not only encouraged the development of humanitarian law itself, but also marked the beginning of a growing use by the United Nations of humanitarian law during its examination of the human rights situation in certain countries or during its thematic studies. The greater awareness of the relevance of humanitarian law to the protection of people in armed conflict, coupled with the increasing use of human rights law in international affairs, means that both these areas of law now have a much greater international profile and are regularly being used together in the work of both international and non-governmental organizations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 61-63
Author(s):  
R. K. Jiriko ◽  
E. N. Mbah ◽  
N. E. Amah

The study was carried out to determine devastating impacts of flood disaster among rural households in Benue State, Nigeria. Questionnaire was used to collect data from a sample of 145 respondents used for the study. Data collected for the study were analyzed using mean score. Findings indicated that the major causes of flood disaster were poor level of public awareness campaign on flood hazard (x –=2.00), increased impermeability due to urbanization (x –=2.00), overflowing dams (x –=2.00), building on water ways and drainage channels (x –=2.00), flood plain being occupied by human settlement and economic activities (x –=1.41), blockage of flood path with sediment deposit (x –=1.31) and increase in rainfall (x –=1.30). Rendering of rural dwellers homeless (x –=2.47), fills homes with dirty water and refuse (x –=2.43), blockage of road networks (x –=2.42), disruption of economic activities (x –=2.40), destruction of farmlands (x –=2.40), increase in household food insecurity (x –=2.35), destruction of crops and livestock (x –=2.30), damages stored farm produce (x –=2.24) and loss of lives and property (x –=2.12) were effects of flood disaster on rural households. Based on the findings of the study, there arises the need for government at all levels and non-governmental organizations to intensify efforts in creation of awareness for people living in flood prone areas to relocate to a safer place in order to avoid loss of life and disruption of economic activities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 637-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hadden ◽  
Lorien Jasny

What explains variation in the tactical choices of non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? This article uses network autocorrelation models to establish how the tactical choices of climate change NGOs are shaped by their embeddedness in transnational advocacy networks. Specifically, it finds that NGOs are more likely to adopt protest tactics when adjacent organizations – those with whom they have direct ties – have already done so. The choices of equivalent organizations – those that occupy similar relational roles in the network – do not appear to be influential. Qualitative evidence also shows that NGOs are affected by relational pressure from their peers, which alters their perception of costs and benefits. These findings enhance understanding of how networks influence actors’ behavior and offer insights into the relational processes that generate protest in global politics.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (14) ◽  
pp. 3860
Author(s):  
José María Agudo-Valiente ◽  
Pilar Gargallo-Valero ◽  
Manuel Salvador-Figueras

Using the 2008 Zaragoza International Exhibition “Water and sustainable development” as a case study, this paper aims to respond to the increasing demand for measurements of the effects and the implications of the performance of cross-sector partnerships from the perspective of their intended final beneficiaries. A contingency framework for measuring the short-, medium- and long-term effects of the 2008 Zaragoza International Exhibition is developed based on a “results chain” or “logic model”. Our results highlight that there are positive long-term synergies between the two main purposes of the 2008 Zaragoza International Exhibition; first, to increase public awareness of and commitment to the problems of water and sustainable development and, second, to make the city of Zaragoza better known internationally and to modernize its infrastructures. Although respondents to our survey consider that the long-term effects on the city are greater, the main short- and medium-term effects are related to awareness of water problems, sustainable development and non-governmental organizations. These results are in tune with what has happened around the city in the last 10 years providing indirect validity both to our study and to the proposed methodology.


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