scholarly journals Notes on the Unity of Logic and Materialism

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorgen Sandemose
Keyword(s):  
Broad Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Logical Investigation ◽  
Subjective Logic ◽  
Science Of Logic ◽  
The Third ◽  
Adequate Understanding ◽  
General Criticism ◽  
The Way

<p>In the course of the first section, I make an attempt to define the most important actual implications of the theme that the anthology in question sets out to explore. In the next, I give a sketch of the three different modes of movement of logical thought present in Hegel’s <em>Science of Logic</em>, of their interrelation, and make a general criticism of the way that theme is handled in the book. In the third section, I stress the importance of an adequate understanding of the structure of the categories with which Hegel’s logical investigation takes its beginning. In the course of the two following sections, the interrelation between the themes of Hegel’s subjective logic and Marx’s commodity analysis are put into focus. The concluding section limits itself to giving an overview of the quality of the book in question, adding some words on the political significance of such literature in a broad context.</p>

How to Distinguish Aristotle's Virtues

Phronesis ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Virtue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Intellectual Virtues ◽  
Moral Virtues ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis paper considers the distinctions Aristotle draws (1) between the intellectual virtue of phronêsis and the moral virtues and (2) among the moral virtues, in light of his commitment to the reciprocity of the virtues. I argue that Aristotle takes the intellectual virtues to be numerically distinct hexeis from the moral virtues. By contrast, I argue, he treats the moral virtues as numerically one hexis, although he allows that they are many hexeis 'in being'. The paper has three parts. In the first, I set out Aristotle's account of the structure of the faculties of the soul, and determine that desire is a distinct faculty. The rationality of a desire is not then a question of whether or not the faculty that produces that desire is rational, but rather a question of whether or not the object of the desire is good. In the second section I show that the reciprocity of phronêsis and the moral virtues requires this structure of the faculties. In the third section I show that the way in which Aristotle distinguishes the faculties requires that we individuate moral virtues according to the objects of the desires that enter into a given virtue, and with reference to the circumstances in which these desires are generated. I then explore what it might mean for the moral virtues to be different in being but not in number, given the way in which the moral virtues are individuated. I argue that Aristotle takes phronêsis and the political art to be a numerical unity in a particular way, and that he suggests that the moral virtues are, by analogy, the same kind of unity.

scholarly journals Resilience in Fukushima: Contribution to a Political Economy of Consent

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-4) ◽  
pp. 94-118
Author(s):  
Thierry Ribault
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nuclear Technology ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nuclear Disaster ◽  
Fourth Level ◽  
Fukushima Daiichi ◽  
Fukushima Nuclear Disaster ◽  
And Training ◽  
The Way

This article is a contribution to the political economy of consent based on the analysis of speeches, declarations, initiatives, and policies implemented in the name of resilience in the context of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. It argues that, in practice as much as in theory, resilience fuels peoples’ submission to an existing reality—in the case of Fukushima, the submission to radioactive contamination—in an attempt to deny this reality as well as its consequences. The political economy of consent to the nuclear, of which resilience is one of the technologies, can be grasped at four interrelated analytical levels adapted to understanding how resilience is encoded in key texts and programs in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi accident. The first level is technological: consent through and to the nuclear technology. The second level is sociometabolic: consent to nuisance. The third level is political: consent to participation. The fourth level is epistemological: consent to ignorance. A fifth cognitivo-experimental transversal level can also be identified: consent to experimentation, learning and training. We first analyze two key symptoms of the despotism of resilience: its incantatory feature and the way it supports mutilated life within a contaminated area and turns disaster into a cure. Then, we show how, in the reenchanted world of resilience, loss opens doors, that is, it paves the way to new “forms of life”: first through ignorance-based disempowerment; second through submission to protection. Finally, we examine the ideological mechanisms of resilience and how it fosters a government through the fear of fear. We approach resilience as a technology of consent mobilizing emotionalism and conditioning on one side, contingency and equivalence on the other.

The Israeli-Lebanese war of 2006: the international repercussions

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-286
Author(s):  
Hassan Nafaa
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The Third ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Way

This article deals with the international repercussions of the recent Israeli attack on Lebanon, and the way in which it differs from previous Arab-Israeli wars. The first part addresses the root causes of the conflict and considers the reasons that made the war on Lebanon a joint American–Israeli–European–United Nations war. The second part looks at the political management of the war and the steps that led to the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, and the various aspects of this resolution. The third assesses the war's international repercussions by looking at the potential positions of the world's major powers vis-à-vis obstacles that could impede the implementation of the resolution.

scholarly journals FORMULASI KODE ETIK PENDIDIK DALAM PERSPEKTIF PENDIDIKAN ISLAM

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Moh. Farhan
Keyword(s):  
Education System ◽  
Islamic Education ◽  
Ethics Codes ◽  
Ethical Codes ◽  
The Third ◽  
Good Intention ◽  
Modern Era ◽  
The Way

Being  Educator  is an honour profession in Islam. It is an essensial factor in the education system. Thus a dignity  and an authority of this profession have to be maintained by the educators. The way to keep the honour of this profession can be done by conducting  ethical codes as a guidence to conduct activities as the educators.In a modern era, an educator ethic has been formulated. However, it shows unoptimal to keep the educators’ dignity. Thus, a solution is needed to solve the problem. Part of the solution  from Islamic education scholars during Islamic education hystory is the genuin thinking of those scholars. They have formulated the educator’s ethics codes. From their thinking and ideas, there are three ethic codes that can be understood: The First:  related to the obligation to have a good intention as the educator by improving a quality of  “taqwa” to Allah SWT because teaching is a worship. The second:  the educators have to keep their  profession by improving the personality with a good character (Akhlak). The third,  keep improving the educators’ competences and professionalism.

Laying the Groundwork for NAFTA

Eating NAFTA ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 63-88
Author(s):  
Alyshia Gálvez
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Food Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
The Third ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
The Way

The third chapter, “Laying the Groundwork for NAFTA” explores the political and economic context preceding NAFTA, and the ways that Mexico’s elected officials and business interests paved the way for the agreement and have benefited from it. The chapter unpacks the concepts of food sovereignty and food security, and how a push toward food security has produced the possibility of a Mexico that no longer produces food.

THOMAS WENTWORTH AND MONARCHICAL RITUAL IN EARLY MODERN IRELAND

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGAL SHAW
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Aesthetics ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Portrait Painting ◽  
Third Dimension ◽  
High Politics ◽  
The Way

Historians have long argued about the political career in Ireland of Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford. Analysing the extent of his viceregal power in the 1630s and his relationship to political factions, this writing has focused on ‘high politics’, as captured in state papers, pamphlets, and private letters. This article focuses on less conventional sources like paintings and accounts of court ceremonies to try and clarify a vital question. In a fragmented colonial territory that the Stuarts were determined to turn into a kingdom, to what extent did Wentworth cast himself as a king? The article examines the sophisticated way that Wentworth elaborated on ritual forms already connected with the viceroyalty to associate his political persona with that of the monarch, with particular reference to his extraordinary inauguration in 1633. Wentworth's interest in painting is well known because of his celebrated patronage of Van Dyck. Less well known is the way that he extended the conventions of portrait painting into the third dimension through court ritual, particularly the practice of allusion to recognizable models, with all the implications for prestige that this entailed. Through ‘political aesthetics’ Wentworth made the allusion to kingship, to the point that enemies detected monarchical pretensions.

Quetzaltenango's First Mayan Mayor: Transforming Political Culture and the Politics of Belonging?

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELISABET DUEHOLM RASCH
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Indigenous Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Community Organisation ◽  
Marginalised Groups ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Way

AbstractAgainst the backdrop of ethnic political mobilisation in Latin America, this article examines how, as Quetzaltenango's first Mayan mayor, Rigoberto Quemé Chay transformed two interrelated dimensions of citizenship: political culture and the politics of belonging. It analyses the way in which citizenship is constituted at three levels. The first is within Xel-jú as an indigenous political organisation whose practices contrast withladinoways of doing politics. The second is in relation to internal divisions between the militant indigenous line and the intercultural group. The third is within Xel-jú as a city-centred, middle-class-oriented indigenous organisation rather than a rural, indigenous community organisation. This article argues that transformations in citizenship are limited by the political, economic and ethnic context, and that overlapping systems of repression still prevent the participation of marginalised groups in Quetzaltenango.

scholarly journals Cisneros de José María Pemán, una apología del autoritarismo = Cisneros by José María Pemán, in Defence of Authoritarianism

2020 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Marta García Peña
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Third ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Dual Perspective ◽  
The Way

En diciembre de 1934 José M.ª Pemán, estrechamente vinculado al grupo de Acción Española, estrenaba Cisneros, su tercera producción teatral. Como las anteriores, esta estaba cargada de referencias a la situación política. El presente artículo tratará de demostrar la dimensión propagandística de Cisneros en un momento en el que la derecha monárquica reivindicaba un régimen autoritario. Para ello se realizará un análisis de la obra desde una doble óptica valorando tanto la intencionalidad del autor como la recepción del público. El estudio tendrá en cuenta varios factores: la vertiente ideológica del autor y de su entorno, la estrecha relación de la obra con el contexto político así como su parentesco con los textos doctrinales publicados en la revista Acción Española. En relación con el modo en el que este producto teatral fue recibido, se considerará también la interpretación que el público y la crítica hicieron del mismo.AbstractDecember 1934 saw the release of Cisneros, the third play written by José M.ª Pemán, who was closely affiliated to the group Acción Española. As with his earlier plays, this was laden with references to the political situation. This article seeks to demonstrate the propagandistic magnitude of Cisneros at a time when the monarchist right wing was advocating an authoritarian regime. To this end, the play is analysed from a dual perspective, assessing both the playwright’s intent and the audience’s acceptance. The study considers a number of factors: the writer’s ideological standpoint and his environment, the close ties between the play and the political context as well as its relationship to the doctrinal texts published in the journal Acción Española. As regards the way in which the play was received, the audience’s interpretation of the play and that of the critics is also considered.

The Politics of Learning Reforms in Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
pp. 64-85
Author(s):  
Naomi Hossain ◽  
Mirza M. Hassan ◽  
Muhammad Ashikur Rahman ◽  
Khondoker Shakhawat Ali ◽  
Md. Sajidul Islam
Keyword(s):  
Basic Education ◽  
Teacher Performance ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
Development Programme ◽  
Education Administration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Education ◽  
Education Development ◽  
The Third

Why has Bangladesh failed to raise quality in basic education after it so successfully expanded school provision? This chapter explores the politics of both Bangladesh’s successful expansionary, and its lagged efforts to tackle the persistently poor quality of basic education. Using a political settlements lens, it shows how the competitive but clientelistic nature of Bangladesh’s politics shaped policies to expand schooling provision, without attending to learning—and in particular without addressing teacher performance. It analyses the elite consensus on mass education and the design of the Third Primary Education Development Programme (2011–15), tracing the analysis down through the education administration system to how schools themselves implement learning reforms. It concludes that the state has started to take learning seriously, but the political impetus for policies to hold teachers accountable for their performance lacks the wide support of the successful expansionary drive, so that any progress is slow.

scholarly journals MORALITY AND RELIGION IN “THE PRINCE” OF MACHIAVELLI

Último Andar ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (37) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eliathan Carvalho Leite
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ultimate Objective ◽  
The Church ◽  
Action Search ◽  
The Way

“The Prince”, by Machiavelli, is a unique book, whose political and literary relevance is recognized until today. Aiming to advise those who operate in the management of a nation, in a monarchical context, the author discusses, in a realistic, direct and alien to sentimentality or humanistic ethics, about elements that are related to the ultimate objective of political action: search for obtaining and maintaining power. In this context, Machiavelli deals with Religion – enunciated through the figure of the Church – and Morality, providing a reading, in its molds, of these institutions. The present work seeks to explore the way in which the Florentine author understands such institutions within the scope of political activity, through the reading of “The Prince”. In this way, contextual exposure will be made about the author, the work and its audience, giving space for the analysis of the ethics and morality of Politics, as well as the political quality of the Church. 

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