scholarly journals To the question on power and society in the political ontology of Y. F. Samarin and Slavophiles

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Svetlana Igorevna Skorokhodova
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Church And State ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Silver Age ◽  
Spiritual Culture ◽  
The Government ◽  
Moscow School

The object of this research is the problem of power and society in the political ontology. The indicated problem is viewed in the works of the founder of political philosophy in Russia Y. F. Samarin in the context of teaching of the representatives of “Moscow School”. An attempt is made to demonstrate the multidimensionality of the philosopher’s key ideas and avoid their simplifications and distortions. The evolution of Samarin’s philosophical-political views is described: the initial stage of this writings is focused on the eschatological pursuits, the take roots in the Russian spiritual culture and are associated with the ideas of transformed power, grateful type of being; the next period is concentrated on the ida of national policy, when the power must originate with people, strengthen the interethnic unity and serve to the historical calling of Russia, rather that the distracted political beginning. The analysis of Samarin’s views on power led to the following conclusions: the philosopher believed that it is essential to respect boundaries between the church and state life, but underlines the need of spiritual influence upon the power; each new form of power had to comply with the organic social development, be generated by it, rather than be created artificially or borrowed; the government should lean on the enlightened nation, rather than on cosmopolitan leadership. It is claimed that Samarin’s political position – the “revolutionary conservatism”, which essence consists not in destruction, but construction of the state supported by spiritual culture of Russia and peculiarities of its national pattern, but at the same time in uncompromised antagonism to everything impeding well-being the superpower. It is concluded that the political ontology of Y. F. Samaring and classical Slavophiles became the foundation for philosophical-political constructs of the thinkers of Silver Age and white émigré. Some of his ideas may become the foundation for political ideology of modern Russia.

Political Ideology and Cultural Diversity in South Korea: Toward a Theory of Group-differentiated Rights

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-303
Author(s):  
Onjung Yang
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
State Response ◽  
The Government ◽  
Korean State

Korea has experienced ideological changes in the political sphere since society experienced ethnic diversity in the 1990s. The government urgently introduced new policy agenda ‘Damunhwa’ – multicultural – in the wake of up-surging social problems such as embracing cultural differences and human rights of foreigners as a salient issue following multicultural explosion with a large number of foreigners. As a result, many scholars argue that the Korean state response to cultural diversity has shifted from differential exclusion to assimilation toward immigrants in current society. However, it should be mentioned that it is implausible to link assimilation with a successful political ideology to manage ethnic diversity effectively. In this article, I argue that it is time to present a new political ideology for future directions in order to integrate ethnic minorities into a universally acceptable manner through consideration of the theory of group-differentiated rights in the context of Korean society.

Crime and Penal Policy in Zambia

1985 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hatchard
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The Government

In recent years, many developing countries have undergone rapid and extensive socio-economic changes which generally have brought with them an increase in criminality. This is a trend which continues to cause grave concern. Indeed, the United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 35/171 of 15 December 1980 noted the significant increase in crime and recognised that this impairs the overall development of nations, undermines people's spiritual and material well-being, compromises human dignity, and creates a climate of fear and violence that erodes the quality of life. The response to criminality therefore becomes of the utmost importance and, indeed, the political and economic stability of any society can be seriously affected if the government is seen as being incapable of dealing with the problem.

scholarly journals An Invitation to Sociology of Climate Governance in Sub-Saharan Africa: Concealing the Intersections of Environmental Justice, Inequality, and the Nation State

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 659-666
Author(s):  
Shingirai Stanely Mugambiwa
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Justice ◽  
Environmental Sociology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Climate Governance ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government ◽  
Means Of Production

This paper provides a synopsis of the critical debates in environmental sociology vis-à-vis climate governance and evokes the intersections of environmental justice, equality and the nation state. The nation state, which in this study refers to the government of the day is regarded as an important factor in determining the state of environmental justice and equality. This is because the government has the mandate to formulate and implement policies such as environmental policy. Issues of injustice and inequality are clearly spelt out in the discipline of sociology which provide insights on ways through which humans in societies respond to environmental crises. The paper places considerable emphasis on the political economy of environmental sociology which lies on the effects of modernity and capitalism in relation to socio-ecological well-being of communities. This is significantly linked to Karl Marx’s contribution on class struggles over the means of production which favours the bourgeoisie who are responsible for the greater ecological damage.

scholarly journals Governing and commercialising early childhood education: Profiting from The International Early Learning and Well-being Study (IELS)?

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Guy Roberts-Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Early Childhood ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Early Learning ◽  
Data Governance ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Not For Profit ◽  
National Foundation ◽  
New Business ◽  
The Government

This article examines why the government in England has signed the country up to taking part in the OECD’s new international assessment known as The International Early Learning and Well-being Study (IELS). The article highlights the role of IELS as a technology of neoliberal governance. Looking forward it considers how IELS may open up new business opportunities and spaces for profit for businesses in England and elsewhere. At present, IELS is a fledgling product, but it may in time further add to the explanatory and governing power of the OECD to steer national policy makers towards a homogenised educational future defined by the organisation. IELS is run and managed by the National Foundation for Education Research (NFER), a national not-for-profit research organisation. The article explores how this same not-for-profit organisation also won the remarkably similar early childhood English Baseline Assessment 2 worth £9.8 million. Finally, the article examines the possibility that, in the future, if IELS were to develop, the edu-business Pearson might be interested in IELS to add to its existing interests in global data governance for profit.

Practical Approach for Implementation of the Revised National Policy on Occupational Safety and Health 2020 in the Informal Sector: A Focus on South-South Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juwon Adebiyi ◽  
Adebola Bada ◽  
Daniel Maduagwu ◽  
Emem Udoh
Keyword(s):  
Informal Sector ◽  
Occupational Safety ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Competent Authority ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Occupational Safety And Health ◽  
Formal Sector ◽  
Safety And Health ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government

Abstract The regulation of Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) in Nigeria, which is currently seeing some progress in the formal sector, has been short of impressive in the informal sector of the economy. Con- sidering it is the role of every government to ensure that all sectors of the economy operate in a manner that guarantees and ensures the safety and well-being of its citizens, Article 4 of International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 155- Occupational Safety and Health Convention was ratified by the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN) in 1994, which led to the development of a coherent National Policy on Occupational Safety and Health in 2006. This, inter alia, failed to address the informal sector; hence the Revised National Policy on OSH 2020 was introduced by the Govern- ment, through the office of the Honorable Minister of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, as a framework for bridging the existing gap. In a bid to ensure the success of the Policy document, the Department of Occupational Safety and Health of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment was designated the Competent Authority by the Government. This paper takes a look at the stakeholders in the informal sector of the economy, focusing on the south- south part of Nigeria, and identifies some of the challenges hampering the effective implementation of Occupational Safety and Health systems needed for the promotion of safety and health at workplaces. It concludes by providing a practical tool that can be a guide for the policy users, especially in the in- formal sector of the Nigerian economy, in alignment with the second of the three determinants of the future of energy, as captured in the theme for NAICE 2021: "The Future of energy – a trilogy of de- terminants; Climate Change, Public Health, and the Global Oil Market".

Attitudes toward Cohabitation, Family, and Gender Roles: Relationships to Values and Political Ideology

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane N. Lye ◽  
Ingrid Waldron
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Higher Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Concerns ◽  
And Gender

This study investigates four hypotheses concerning relationships between values or beliefs and attitudes toward cohabitation, family and gender roles. These are the Social Concerns Hypothesis, the Political Ideology Hypothesis, the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and the Consumerism Hypothesis. Each hypothesis has been tested, using data from several nationally representative subsamples of white high school seniors. As predicted by the Social Concerns Hypothesis, students with more social concerns had more favorable attitudes toward gender equality and nontraditional gender roles, particularly among males. This finding suggests that, for males, concern for fairness and the well-being of others may be an important motive for support for gender equality and acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. As predicted by the Political Ideology Hypothesis, conservative political beliefs were associated with traditional attitudes toward cohabitation, family, and gender roles. In contrast, our findings provide only weak support for the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and our findings suggest that the Consumerism Hypothesis should be reformulated.

scholarly journals Some Reflections on the Political Economy of Monetary Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
Jakob de Haan
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Central Bank Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
Redistributive Effects ◽  
The Impact

AbstractDuring the past decades, central bank independence has been increased in a large number of countries. However, even an independent central bank does not operate in a political vacuum. For instance, governments generally appoint political allies, presuming that consequently the central bank will follow policies that are in line with the governments’ preferences. The first part of this paper reviews recent research on whether the political ideology of the government has any impact on monetary policies pursued. It is argued that if forward-looking data are used to estimate Taylor-rule models for a panel of OECD countries that take country heterogeneity into account, there is no strong evidence for partisan effects on monetary policy. One of the reasons that central bank independence is no longer taken for granted is the acclaimed redistributive effects of monetary policy. The second part of the paper reviews recent research on the impact of conventional and unconventional monetary policy on income and wealth inequality. It is concluded that empirical research provides very mixed evidence on these issues and that it is not well connected to recent theoretical work.

scholarly journals Reshaping political ideology in social work: A critical perspective

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filipe Duarte
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Work Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Methodological Choices ◽  
Social Work Values ◽  
Marxist Approach

INTRODUCTION: The article contends that social work is politically constructed, that its values, principles and commitments are deeply shaped by ideology through the political dimension at all levels of social work intervention, and that social work needs not only to embrace, but also to reshape its political ideology, discourse and political movements.APPROACH: It is argued that the articulation of social work values and principles are an expression of ideology, and that political ontology of social workers’ lives precedes their epistemological and methodological choices. From this premise, the article claims that socialism informs progressive social work values, and that a materialist analysis can influence our understanding of social problems and social relations within deregulated capitalist societies.CONCLUSIONS: Firstly, this article synthesises the Marxist approach of ideology and its relations with ideology in social work. Secondly, it draws out the key insights about the so-called “radical” or “structural” perspective in social work, and the commitments and challenges of its advocates. Finally, it explores and proposes insights on the political ideology of social work for the 21st century.

Why Did They Protest? Stability and Change in the Opt-Out Movement, 2016–2018

2021 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Oren Pizmony-Levy ◽  
Nancy Green Saraisky
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Stability And Change ◽  
Opting Out ◽  
Opt Out ◽  
Over Time

Background/context One of the most prominent educational social movements in the United States during the past two decades has been the opt-out movement, in which parents and caregivers refuse to have their school-aged children sit for federally mandated tests. Although early responses by government officials framed the movement in terms of race, class, and gender, in truth we know little about the actual motivations that drive opt-out activists. We also know little about the extent to which the movement was affected by recent seismic changes in the political and policy spheres (e.g., the election of Donald J. Trump and the collapse of the Common Core State Standards). Purpose/objective In this study, we build on social movements theories to examine who was opting out and why, as well as whether these participants or their motivations changed over time. By doing so, we seek to build upon the existing literature by synthesizing the two primary theoretical perspectives on social movements and activism—uniting the focus on the social psychological determinants of individual activism with the focus on the role of external factors. Research design Our analysis is based on data from two waves of the National Survey on Opting Out. The first survey was conducted from January 20 to March 31, 2016 (n = 1,611); the second was conducted from March 7 to May 18, 2018 (n =1,298). The National Survey asked respondents to indicate the main reasons or motivations for their participation in the movement. With these data we use descriptive statistics and multivariate analysis to examine the extent to which participant motivations changed between 2016 and 2018. As part of this process we also examine the association between sociodemographic backgrounds and motivations. Findings/results The results of our analysis show both stability and change in the opt-out movement between 2016 and 2018. Although the data reveal certain sociodemographic changes in the composition of the movement, these changes in demographics do not fully account for shifts in activist motivations over time. We also find that much of the variation in motivation across key social categories (e.g., political ideology, teachers/nonteachers, and parents/nonparents) holds over time. Conclusions/discussion In contrast to common perceptions of the opt-out movement, which often portray parental concerns over their child's achievement as the predominant motivation for participation, our study reveals that activists in the movement indicate they are motivated by political and ethical ideas. Participants in the opt-out movement are more concerned with collective problems, such as the well-being of teachers, broad curriculum, and privatization of public education, than with individual challenges. Given the massive changes that took place in the political and policy spheres during our period of study, the degree to which activist motivation stayed constant is notable—suggesting that many of these motivations are insulated from politics.

Cultural Corporatism and the COC

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.

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