LATENT MIGRANTOPHOBIA IN REGIONAL DIMENSION: ON THE MATERIALS OF MARI EL AND MORDOVIA

The article analyzes the features of public perception of foreign labor migration in modern Russia, identified in the course of a sociological survey conducted by the authors of the article in the Republic of Mari El and the Republic of Mordovia. As a phenomenon of a global order, migration processes have their own specifics in different regions of the world. Thus, the migration situation in the countries of Western Europe, characterized by the so-called “crisis of multiculturalism”, has become widely known. The situation is fundamentally different in Russia, where the main source of labor migration is the states that were previously part of the USSR as union republics. In the presence of manifestations of migrant-phobia (latent or open) in most Russian regions, the migration situation for our country still does not have such a critical and acute character. To a large extent, its features can be traced to the example of individual subjects of the Russian Federation. In September - October 2020, the authors of this article conducted a survey of the population in the Republic of Mari El and the Republic of Mordovia. This survey was conducted within the framework of the Program of Fundamental and Applied Research on the topic “Ethnocultural Diversity of Russian Society and Strengthening the All-Russian Identity” (2020-2022). The survey showed that a significant part of the respondents view migrants as a threat to the economic security of the regions under consideration. The most effective management measures to prevent ethnopolitical and interethnic conflicts associated with migration are support for ethnic and cultural associations, interdepartmental and inter-level coordination in the implementation of state national policy, including the prevention of extremism and early warning of conflicts, as well as constant monitoring of the ethnopolitical sphere and interethnic relationships.

Ethnic conflict in Ethiopia: Federalism as a cause and solution

Adopted in 1991, ethnic federalism indeed paved the way for the recognition, accommodation, and institutionalization of ethnocultural diversity for the first time in the country’s history since its modern existence. What is equally important is, the practice of ethnic federalism complicated state-society and inter-group relationships creating a favorable environment for ethnic confrontation and conflict to take place in the country threatening national unity, eroded century-old values of coexistence, a hard ethnic boundary where administrative boundaries are served as political and ethnic differentiators like the Oromo and Somali conflict over contested boundaries. Territorial recognition, and institutionalization of ethnicity gave room for the emergence of ‘ethnic like and ethnic others’ thinking, made minorities in different regions victims of politics and failed to provide sound accommodation mechanisms from them, severely restricted people’s constitutional rights including the right to mobility and right to work, created room for the re-emergence of secessionist tendency. Hence, ethnic federalism while solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice; has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. It is the purpose of this study to investigate how and why federalism is being considered as the source of ethnic conflicts in the Ethiopian context. The study adopted a qualitative comparative approach while FGDs and key informant interviews were used to gather data. The finding of the study shows that though multinational federation plays an irreplaceable role to accommodate and institutionalize ethnocultural diversity, the notion and implementation of federalism instigate ethnic conflict in the Ethiopian context.

Social solidarity and cohesion in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic in intercultural cities

The study analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on intercultural interactions. It considers the sociocultural mechanisms for ensuring cohesion and social solidarity in multicultural communities. The paper highlights the social contexts of the current problems of multicultural communities in overcoming intercultural barriers and the development of trust, social solidarity and cohesion. It reveals the direction of the main negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the cohesion and development of social solidarity of multicultural communities. The successful international and domestic cases of counteraction of communities of intercultural cities against the COVID-19 pandemic are analyzed. The factors of development of social solidarity and cohesion of international and Ukrainian community in the conditions of pandemic are investigated. It has been found that social solidarity and cohesion of communities is an effective means of public counteraction to modern destructive factors and challenges. It is established that the communities of cities-participants of intercultural networks have developed effective mechanisms to maintain positive relations between people of different nationalities, religions, cultures and can serve as a positive example for other cities through the implementation of the model of ethnocultural diversity management.

Полиэтничность: от теоретических концепций к практике

В статье рассматриваются теоретические подходы к исследованию полиэтничности (конструктивизм, инструментализм). В последние десятилетия произошли значительные процессы переоценки содержания понятий «этническая группа» и «этническая идентичность». Широко распространенными стали идеи гибридизации идентичности, возможности наличия множественных этничностей, как вследствие ускорения объективных процессов этнокультурного «смешения» (этнически неоднородные браки, миграция, урбанизация), так и по субъективным причинам (рутинизация иноэтничного). Полиэтничная идентичность, в свою очередь, тоже может иметь различные модели: от стигматизации и социальной депривации до ощущения полиэтничным индивидом более высокого социокультурного статуса. Авторы приходят к выводу, что в целях более адекватного учета этнокультурного разнообразия российского социума, методология проведения переписей населения должна быть изменена в пользу возможности учета нескольких этноидентичностей и информирования населения об этом. Также «легитимация» групп населения с множественной этноидентичностью имеет потенциал гармонизации межэтнических отношений в России, может способствовать распространению идей единой полиэтничной гражданской российской нации. The article discusses theoretical approaches to the study of multiethnicity – constructivism and instrumentalism. In recent decades, the concepts of "ethnic group" and "ethnic identity" have been significantly reassessed. The ideas of identity hybridization and the possibility of multiple ethnicities have become widespread, both as a result of the objective – acceleration of the ethnocultural "mixing" (ethnically heterogeneous marriages, migration, urbanization) and subjective (routinization of different ethnicities) processes. At the same time, multiethnic identity can have different models: from stigmatization and social deprivation to the subjectively higher socio-cultural status of a multiethnic individual. The authors conclude that in order to more adequately take into account the ethnocultural diversity of the Russian society, the methodology of population censuses should be changed in favor of the possibility of choosing multiple ethnic identities and informing the population about it. Also, the "legitimization" of population groups with multiple ethnic identities has the potential to harmonize interethnic relations in Russia and can contribute to the spread of ideas of a single multiethnic civil Russian nation.

IDENTITY OF THE POPULATION OF THE MULTIETHNIC SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIETAL INTEGRATION OF THE MACROREGION

The South of Russia is characterized by a complex structure, a contradictory history of interethnic relations and active migration processes. All of the above creates difficulties for the region’s societal integration and strengthening of macroregional ties. The state’s national strategy presupposes the formation of a positive civic identity of Russia’s population while preserving its ethnocultural diversity. The self-determination processes of ethnosocial groups in the post-Soviet space have revealed a competition between the civic and ethnic components in the identity of the national republics’ population. Therefore, the structural and dynamic dimension of the identity of the multiethnic population in the South of Russia is being actualized. The article empirically characterizes the complex identity of the population in the multiethnic subregions of the Russian South in terms of the region’s societal (macrolevel) integration. Based on the sociological research conducted in early 2021 in the Rostov region, the Republic of Adygea and the Republic of Daghestan, the nature of the local residents’ identity along the following axes is analyzed: (1) civic, regional and ethnic identifications; (2) I- and we-identifications; (3) primordial and constructed forms of identity. Modern sociological measurements demonstrate that in the structure of cognitive I-identifications of the population of the Russian South, primordial (gender, marital status) and constructed civic (Russian citizen) identity components prevail. In the Rostov region, the core of the respondents’ identity comprises a macroregional component (resident of the South of Russia). Whereas in the North Caucasian republics in question, ethnic (in Adygea and Daghestan), confessional and republican (in Daghestan) identifications compete with the all-Russian identity. At the emotional we-identity level, residents of the Russian South most often indicate affinity with groups of everyday communication (people of the same generation and occupation) and supra-ethnic constructed communities (citizens of Russia). A strong orientation towards the South Russian identity is also manifested among the Rostov residents, while ethnic, religious and republican identification complexes have greater significance in the national republics of the Northern Caucasus. Comparative analysis with the results of 2010-2011 studies (conducted using identical instruments in the Rostov region and Adygea) shows a stable predominance of constructed civic and macroregional identities in the subregions dominated by the Russian population, and ethnic and North Caucasian identities—in the republican segment. The continuing discrepancy in the identity content structure in the ethnoterritorial segments of the Russian South may have disintegration potential and slow down the formation of a supra-ethnic societal integrity of a multi-component macroregion.

Ethnocultural diversity, Indigeneity, and intercultural understanding in the context of planning for reconciliation: Perspectives from the City of Winnipeg, Manitoba

Through a case study of the city of Winnipeg, this paper examines perspectives on Indigeneity and ethnocultural diversity in the context of planning for reconciliation at the scale of a city as inhabited by both Indigenous and racialized communities. The authors reveal a separation between Indigeneity and immigration discourses in academic literature and in planning practice and problematize the processes by which cities plan for diversity. This paper draws from 42 semi-structured interviews conducted with Indigenous and racialized inhabitants, organizational officials, and planners in Winnipeg to reveal that amid the absence of strong municipal planning and programming, intercultural understanding between Indigenous and immigrant inhabitants has developed in the city, and that planners can do more to help to sustain and enhance it. The authors conclude that by increasing the level of literacy and competency in ethnocultural diversity and in Indigeneity, and by focusing on processes of planning, planners and municipal officials can play a more constructive role in enhancing intercultural relations and advancing reconciliation in Winnipeg and other Canadian cities.

SCRIITORI ROMANI DE EXPRESIE GERMANA DIN TRANSILVANIA (1890-1960)

Arising from its geographical position in relation to the Western countries and the multicultural specificity of this space, Transylvania was, due to the ethnic groups of Romanians, Germans, Hungarians, and other nationalities who lived there, a promoter of both Western influences and local cultural values. The print media was the means for these nationalities to preserve their language, traditions, customs and culture. Thus, in 1920, Romanian, German and Hungarian intellectuals opened new cultural horizons, managing to overcome traditional ethnic barriers. Through their publications, they expressed respect for plurality and ethnocultural diversity, religious tolerance, and asserted at the same time their own cultural and national identity. This study intends to survey the ethnic German literature at the beginning of the twentieth century that has also been partially translated into Romanian

Institutional solutions for sectarian conflicts in the Middle East in the context of imperial legacy

The article focuses on the nature of sectarian conflicts in the Middle East as well as ways to resolve this and possible transformations. We assume that the rising level of ethnic confrontation stems from the disruption of governance regimes established during the Ottoman Empire. Hence, the research question states as follows: are there any ways to use the imperial practices of ethnocultural diversity management as the institutional framework for the resolution of current sectarian conflicts? By applying a structural functional approach, we identify the political space of the late Ottoman Empire, its main elements and constellation. We show that the process of statebuilding in the Middle East resulted in the decay of social ties between local communities and the increase of ethnic violence. These claims are confirmed by comparative analysis of a number of conflicts. It is found that the institutional framework for conflict resolution in Arab states should be based on political devolution and powerdividing agreements. This allows to reset inactive imperial practices in order to mitigate violence and enhance legitimacy. We point out that among the various reforms designed to achieve harmonization of formal and informal political institutions are federalization, non-territorial autonomy, consociationalism and local governance.