Models of Church-State Relations in European Democracies

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Riedel
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations

AbstractEuropean church-state relations are the result of a long democratisation process. The immigration of the Muslim population during the second part of the twentieth century to Western Europe and the democratic transition of the Eastern European political systems after 1990 raise questions on the importance of religious bodies in the public space and their influence on existing church-state relations. This article analyses whether these developments would continue the traditional separation of church and state or put the clocks back towards a new sacralisation of politics.

Common School, Common Religion? A Case Study in Church-State Relations, Cincinnati, 1869–70

1969 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Michaelsen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Public School ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Common School ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Religious Nature

The history of the public school affords one significant means of discerning the pattern of evolving church-state relations in the United States. This is true because there have been frequent overlappings of the institutions of the church and the state in the public schools. However, the story deals with more than institutional encounter. The first amendment to the Constitution of the United States does not refer to church and state; it speaks of “an establishment of religion“ and of “the free exercise thereof.” In recent years it has become quite clear that under this language the public schools are on shaky grounds constitutionally whenever they engage in any activity of a religious nature. But the public school has always been looked to as the primary institution for instilling what is common and public in national life and thought—the shared memories and aspirations, loyalties and beliefs. Hence the public school has been confronted with the difficult responsibility of passing on the common traditions and even instilling “a common faith” (Dewey), while not engaging in “an establishment of religion.”

Edmund Burke, Dissent and Church and State

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Fitzpatrick
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Church ◽  
At Home

This chapter examines Edmund Burke’s attitude towards Protestant dissenters, particularly the more radical or rational ones who were prominent in the late eighteenth century, as a way of understanding his changing attitude towards the Church of England and state. The Dissenters who attracted Burke’s attention were those who were interested in extending the terms of toleration both for ministers and for their laity. Initially Burke supported their aspirations, but from about 1780 things began to change. The catalyst for Burke’s emergence as leader of those who feared that revolution abroad might become a distemper at home was Richard Price’s Discourse on Love of Our Country. The chapter analyses how Burke moved from advocating toleration for Dissenters to become a staunch defender of establishment as to have ‘un-Whigged’ himself. It also considers the debate on the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts as well as Burke’s attitude towards Church–state relations.

scholarly journals When the Personal Is Always Political: Norwegian Muslims’ Arguments for Women’s Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Hannah Helseth
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Individual Autonomy ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Implicit And Explicit

For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize “the Muslim woman” rather than to encourage Muslim women’s participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women’s rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women’s rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers—which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women’s rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.

ПРОБЛЕМА ИСЛАМИЗАЦИИ ГЕРМАНСКОГО ОБЩЕСТВА В КОНТЕКСТЕ СОВРЕМЕННЫХ МИГРАЦИОННЫХ ПРОЦЕССОВ

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
A. E. Nadezhdin
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
Alternative For Germany

This article deals with the process of Islamisation in Western Europe, particularly in Germany taking into account the current domestic situation and the changes it has undergone. Muslim population growth and the fight for their rights, reconstruction of their native country elements (building mosques, wearing religious attire, conducting religious worship) or the voluntary refusal to adapt to the recipient society contribute greatly to segregation and growth of tensions between the local “majority” and the “minority” of newcomers. It has been noted that if state institutions don’t have the capacity to resolve the problems linked to Islamisation (enclavisation, ghettoisation, criminalization etc.), the recipient society starts to generate its own ways of tackling these issues. Such situations lead to internal conflicts between the authorities and the public and reshape the existing political landscape. Within the context of these circumstances, such groups as “PEGIDA” and the electoral success of the “Alternative for Germany” party are of particular interest. The article also provides a characteristic of the main Germany-based Muslim social organizations underscoring the radical and extremist ones whose members could potentially be involved in terrorist activities. Special attention is paid to The migrant crisis of 2015-2016, that has exposed the existing drawbacks of the German integration, socialization and adaptation policy targeted at migrants with Muslim background. The crisis and the subsequent criminal offences have highlighted the need to revise the existing national security strategy in view of the new threats and challenges as well as to harmonize the basics of intercultural and interreligious dialogue within the society of “guiding German culture”.

A Sinner or a Criminal? The Judgment of Oleg Mavromatti under Article 282

Poetics Today ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460
Author(s):  
Darja Filippova
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Religious Tradition ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
The Public ◽  
Holy Fool ◽  
Behavioral Paradigm ◽  
Performance Events ◽  
Sociopolitical Climate

This article discusses the performance events “Do Not Believe Your Eyes” (2000) and “Ally/Foe” (2010) by Russian artist Oleg Mavromatti in the framework of a single durational event that critiques the sacralization of public space in Russia. The public reception of the performances is mediated by attitudes toward Russian Criminal Law Article 282, the so-called law against religious offenses, in a sociopolitical climate where Orthodoxy is conflated with state patriotism. Through the appropriation of the colloquially resonant behavioral paradigm of the holy fool, the author analyzes how Mavromatti’s performance event critiques the concept of “judgment” (by an Orthodox state and by an Orthodox public) from within a culturally resonant religious tradition. The artist’s intervention calls for a secular separation of church and state, but by doing so from within a religious tradition, it illuminates the function of the postsecular as a mode of engagement in contemporary Russian culture.

«Not Competition and Enmity, but a Harmonious Union». Church and Statein the Works of Pre-revolutionary Canonists of the Moscow Theological Academy

2020 ◽  
pp. 243-257
Author(s):  
Никита Кузнецов
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The West ◽  
Christian Understanding ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
October 17 ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Church

Данная статья посвящена обзору и анализу взглядов дореволюционных канонистов Московской духовной академии на церковно-государственные отношения, преимущественно профессоров Николая Семёновича Суворова и Николая Александровича Заозерского. Были проанализированы их библейские, святоотеческие и исторические аргументы по данной теме. Представлены их взгляды на следующие системы церковно-государственных отношений: симфония, иерократия, слияние Церкви с государством, государственная церковность, отделение Церкви от государства. Автор статьи дает оценку мнениям вышеуказанных канонистов и комментирует их. В работах Суворова и Заозерского также отражена их реакция на провозглашение свободы совести Манифестом 17 октября 1905 г., что рассматривается автором статьи. Преимущественное внимание к западной постановке проблемы взаимодействия Церкви и государства и её решению сказалось на их положительном отношении к сложившемуся синодальному строю в Российской империи при общем христианском понимании специфики вопроса. This article reviews and analyzes the views of pre-revolutionary canonists of the Moscow Theological Academy on church-state relations, mainly professors Nikolai Semenovich Suvorov and Nikolai Alexandrovich Zaozersky. Their biblical, patristic and historical arguments on the subject were analyzed. Particular attention to this issue was due to the general upgrade of Russian theological and canonical science and the exacerbation of this issue in the West. The second half of the XIX- beginning of the XX centuries was marked by the processes of separation of the Church and State. Their views on the following systems of church-state relations are presented: symphony, hierocracy, the merger of Church and State, state churchness, separation of Church and State. The author gives each system its own assessment and comment on the opinions of the above canonists. Their work also reflects the reaction to the beginnings of freedom of conscience, which were proclaimed by the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. Most of their attention to the western formulation and the solution of cooperation between the Church and the state affected their positive attitude to the existing synodal system in the Russian Empire with a general Christian understanding of the specifics of this issue.

Managing Religious Diversity in Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 567-584
Author(s):  
Thomas Sealy ◽  
Tina Magazzini ◽  
Tariq Modood ◽  
Anna Triandafyllidou
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Religious Diversity ◽  
Migration Patterns ◽  
North West ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations

Since the mid-twentieth century, religion in Europe has faced three inter-related trends: the waning of Christianity, increasing secularization, and rising levels of diversity stemming from growing globalization and changing migration patterns. As a result, all European states confront the same broad question: how to adapt existing church–state relations and norms of secularism to an extra-Christian religious diversity that the continent has not known before. At the same time, Europe features a ‘bewildering variety’ of political and institutional connections when it comes to the governance of religious diversity, reflecting different historical inheritances. To make sense of this, this chapter discusses these dynamics in relation to three processes: the politicization, institutionalization, and securitization of religion and divides its discussion into three confessional regions—a majority Protestant North-West, a majority Catholic South, and a majority Orthodox East—in order to analyse how, from their many different starting points, European states are addressing contemporary religious diversity.

Free Church Traditions in Twentieth-Century Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 261-291
Author(s):  
Toivo Pilli ◽  
Ian M. Randall
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Social Ministry ◽  
Free Church ◽  
Global Mission ◽  
The World ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Twentieth Century Europe

This chapter focuses on the Free Church traditions, the heirs of earlier dissenting movements, in Europe in the twentieth century. This century posed major challenges to Free Church believers. The chapter explores five main areas: evangelistic witness, church and state relations, theology and spirituality, issues of identity, and social and global involvements. The chapter shows that while some Free Church denominations saw numerical decline, others—particularly Pentecostals—grew. It explores how some Free Churches have been reluctant to get involved in wider political issues, while others have been deeply engaged; how in theology and spirituality European Free Church scholars have made a contribution; how Free Churches have related in different ways to ecumenical endeavour; and how they have been involved in social ministry. Finally, although Europe has become a missionary-receiving part of the world, this chapter suggests that global mission has remained an essential part of European Free Church identity.

The Compatibility of Church and State in Mexico

1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick C. Turner
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Common Origin ◽  
National Context ◽  
Degrees Of Belief ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations ◽  
National Purpose

Although Church-State Relations have seldom been viewed from the standpoint of nationalism, they raise a series of questions concerning the patterns of loyalty which citizens render to both Church and State. Historians frequently find common religion to be an element of nationalism, but in the nominally Catholic countries of Latin America references to “common religion” in fact hide major diversities and degrees of belief. If reiterations of a common religious heritage by the mass of a population can strengthen thensentiments of common origin and national purpose, open conflict between religious groups may also belie national unity. Religious and national loyalties may be overlapping and mutually reinforcing, or they may be contradictory and antagonistic. The nature of the loyalties differs in time even within the same national context.

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