scholarly journals When the Personal Is Always Political: Norwegian Muslims’ Arguments for Women’s Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Hannah Helseth

For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize “the Muslim woman” rather than to encourage Muslim women’s participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women’s rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women’s rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers—which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women’s rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.


enadakultura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elene Chirakadze

If we look at the modern world, we can clearly see how big problem it is to achieve gender equality. Women still have to fight for their rights. Gender research has become particularly relevant in the 21st century. Special institutions, faculties, organizations and movements have been established which are actively working on this problem, including in Georgia. It should also be noted that the issue of women's participation in politics has become especially relevant in the world today, which has defined our interest in the history of gender. Since the XXth century, we have been actively witnessing the establishment of gender sciences in various educational institutions. For historians, gender issues are very interesting in the context of studying political, economic or social history, it is interesting how the role and function of women was seen at different stages of history, according to countries with different levels of development or type of government.This paper presents one specific section of the huge prism of the struggle for women’s rights that followed the existence of the Francoist dictatorship in Spain.The paper focuses on the anti-fascist movement of Spanish women and their activities during the Francoist dictatorship in Spain. It also gives a brief history of the pre-period status of women's rights in the country and how it changed before and after the civil war.It is noteworthy that Europe in the second half of the twentieth century was completely different from Spain in the territory of Western Europe, where there was discriminatory rule on the basis of gender.



2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohit De

This article investigates the formation of a political consensus between conservative ulama, Muslim reformers, nationalist politicians and women's organisations, which led to the enactment of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act in 1939. The Act was a radical piece of social legislation that gave South Asian Muslim women greater rights for divorce than those enjoyed by other women in India and Britain. Instead of placing women's rights and Islamic law as opposed to each other, the legislation employed a heuristic that guaranteed women's rights by applying Islamic law, allowing Muslim politicians, ulama and women's groups to find common ground on an Islamic modernity. By interrogating the legislative process and the rhetorical positions employed to achieve this consensus, the paper hopes to map how the women's question was being negotiated anew in the space created in the legislatures. The legislative debate over family law redefined the boundaries of the public and the private, and forced nationalists to reconsider the ‘women's question’. The transformation of Islamic law through secular legislation also gave greater licence to the courts in their interpretation, and widened the schism between traditional practitioners of fiqh and modern lawyers.



Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.



Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 354-362
Author(s):  
Layla Saleh

Giving a personal voice to the role of women in the Syrian revolution, Layla Saleh places the account of one Syrian woman, Um Ibrahim, exiled in the second year of the uprising, in the larger context of women’s participation in the revolutionary popular mobilization, after the Assad regime’s “women’s rights” proved unsatisfactory and insufficient. The narrative culminates in Um Ibrahim’s own participation in the protests in Damascus before the full-fledged war took hold. Um Ibrahim recounts how women took on a central role in the Syrian revolution, hiding protesters, cooking, delivering food and weapons, and serving in the political and armed opposition. However, they have been victimized by the war, their activist role has been diminished, and their security and physical well-being have become precarious as the country is bloodily entrenched in civil and proxy warfare.



2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 258-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Duhaime

While certain aspects of women's rights had been addressed in earlier OAS instruments and more generally in the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man and in the American Convention on Human Rights, many consider that the issue of women's rights was first incorporated in the normative corpus of the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) with the 1994 adoption of the Belém do Pará Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence Against Women. This treaty obliges states to prevent, punish, and eradicate violence against women, taking special account of vulnerabilities due to race, ethnic background, migrant status, age, pregnancy, socioeconomic situation, etc. It defines the concept of violence against women and forces states to ensure that women live free of violence in the public and private sphere. It also grants the Commission and the Court the ability to process individual complaints regarding alleged violations of the treaty. Since 1994, the Commission has also established a Rapporteurship on the rights of women, which assists the IACHR in its thematic or country reports and visits, as well as in the processing of women's rights–related petitions. In recent years, the jurisprudence of the Commission and the Court has addressed several fundamental issues related to women's rights, in particular regarding violence against women, women's right to equality, and reproductive health.



2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-69
Author(s):  
Syeda Mehmoona Khushbakht ◽  
Munazza Sultana

In Pakistan, although women’s activism was initiated since the country came into existence, but a diverse activism was observed by the nation in the form of ‘Aurat March during 2018-2020. The current study examines the Western feminism, what it was initiated for and its accomplishments in the current time. By employing a discourse analysis approach to the ‘Aurat March event, this study highlights the women’s activism in Pakistan, ‘Aurat March and the antipathy faced by organizers and supporters from the public because of its strange slogans and ridiculous placards. It also observes the relationship between western feminism and ‘Aurat March activism from the perspective of the social, cultural, and religious transformation of society. The study finds the need to raise a constructive and logical voice for women’s rights with support of the public to eradicate social evils instead of focusing on insignificant matters. It has further recommended that there is a need to build a framework in which one may be able to differentiate women’s rights in the context of western feminism and the limitation of women’s emancipation in Islamic context.



2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
A. E. Nadezhdin

This article deals with the process of Islamisation in Western Europe, particularly in Germany taking into account the current domestic situation and the changes it has undergone. Muslim population growth and the fight for their rights, reconstruction of their native country elements (building mosques, wearing religious attire, conducting religious worship) or the voluntary refusal to adapt to the recipient society contribute greatly to segregation and growth of tensions between the local “majority” and the “minority” of newcomers. It has been noted that if state institutions don’t have the capacity to resolve the problems linked to Islamisation (enclavisation, ghettoisation, criminalization etc.), the recipient society starts to generate its own ways of tackling these issues. Such situations lead to internal conflicts between the authorities and the public and reshape the existing political landscape. Within the context of these circumstances, such groups as “PEGIDA” and the electoral success of the “Alternative for Germany” party are of particular interest. The article also provides a characteristic of the main Germany-based Muslim social organizations underscoring the radical and extremist ones whose members could potentially be involved in terrorist activities. Special attention is paid to The migrant crisis of 2015-2016, that has exposed the existing drawbacks of the German integration, socialization and adaptation policy targeted at migrants with Muslim background. The crisis and the subsequent criminal offences have highlighted the need to revise the existing national security strategy in view of the new threats and challenges as well as to harmonize the basics of intercultural and interreligious dialogue within the society of “guiding German culture”.



2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Danielle Roper ◽  
Traci-Ann Wint

In 2017 the radical women’s rights group known as the Tambourine Army emerged in response to gender-based violence, sexual abuse, and structures of impunity in Jamaica. The group used hashtags, organized marches, and teach-ins to encourage women to speak out against their abusers, to break the silence surrounding sexual abuse, and to advocate for survivors. Situating the Tambourine Army within traditions of women’s protest and contemporary forms of cyberactivism in the Caribbean, this essay examines the ways the group enacted a sonic disruption to the public and cyber spheres. It chronicles the rise of the movement, explores the centrality of the digital in the members’ activism, and assesses the methods deployed in the group’s contestation of postcolonial ideals of respectability.





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