How Do Governors Build a Power Vertical in the Context of Mayoral Elections?

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Panov

Although the spread of direct mayoral elections was weakened during the 2000s, they have survived in many municipalities until the present time. In the context of Russia’s ‘power vertical’, regional authorities are strongly involved in local elections. As a rule, they have their own candidates and provide them with support during election campaigns. It is not surprising that most often the candidates of governors are incumbents. At the same time, there are many cases when a governor prefers not to support an incumbent. Based on data from Perm Krai, this article examines some competing explanations for the strategy employed by the Governor in mayoral elections. The analysis demonstrates that an incumbent’s ability to provide the party of power with the best elections results is the most important factor determining the support of the governor. The second significant factor is the resources of the candidate. The policy implementation qualities of an incumbent are also taken into account but they are the least important. These results are in line with the general logic of an ‘electoral authoritarian regime’ that requires the building of ‘electoral vertical’.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Mihailova ◽  

The paper presents results of media monitoring during the election campaigns held in Bulgaria between 2014 and 2019 – after the adoption of the new Electoral Code in 2014 until the last local elections in 2019. The main research question is to what extent the media as mediators in the election campaigns know, respect and comply with the legal regulations concerning their activities during such campaigns. The results outline the models of legal socialization of the Fourth Estate in the election campaigns. They also show patterns of compliance and violation of the legal framework. In addition, they reflect the way in which the media work to change the regulations in question. The research sample included between 117 and 180 media service providers in various election campaigns. There were representatives of all media subfields – traditional media, new media, yellow media, brown media, Prokopiev’s media, Peevski’s media, as well as Russian and American “propaganda media”. The period of research includes almost two full election cycles ‒ two parliamentary elections, two European elections, two local elections, and one presidential election which was held after the clear definition of the legal framework for media in the 2014 Electoral Code. No changes were made to this framework during the study and prior to the publication of this paper. This leads to conclusions regarding the electoral legislation and the regulation of the media system in the electoral process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoonjae Nam ◽  
Yeon-Ok Lee ◽  
Han Woo Park

This article examines the web ecology of the 2010 local elections in South Korea by using social science hyperlink analysis. The online networks of candidates were measured daily during the official campaign period. The results indicate that network dynamics among the candidates for education superintendent changed more rapidly as the campaign progressed than in the case of the mayoral candidates. However, the intensity of online networks for both campaigns was lower than for the country’s last presidential election, in 2007, suggesting that the web ecology of a given election is influenced by the perceived importance of the event and the general popularity of certain candidates. The results also suggest that producing and disseminating information, such as news articles, blog posts and tweets, reflects a more politically conscious action than referring to information via hyperlinks. Furthermore, the article sheds light on the ways in which hyperlink analysis serves as a research method for mining data for web ecology analysis, tracking political events at different points in time and illustrating the general landscape of electoral communication in cyberspace.


2001 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milena Dragićević-Šešić

Western assumptions of unthinking Serbian support for the policies of Slobodan Milošević were upset by the success of popular protest in securing his removal in the autumn of 2000. In fact, just three years after his accession to power in 1989, there had already been massive student protests against the Balkan War, and these were repeated and surpassed in the winter of 1996–97, when Milošević tried to disregard the success of the opposition in the local elections of that November. The student protests quickly took a theatricalized form, and their recurrent modes – graffiti, banners, street processions – were successfully carnivalized, to become popular performative events. This feature provides a chronology of the main developments to complement the more analytical study by Milena Dragićević-Šešić of the nature of this organic but ironic response to an authoritarian regime, which gave old traditions a late twentieth-century voice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Breux ◽  
Jérôme Couture ◽  
Royce Koop

AbstractWe explore influences on the number of candidates, and female candidates in particular, who contest mayoral elections in Canada. We draw on an original cross-national data set of election results from mayoral elections in Canada's 100 largest cities between 2006 and 2017. An average of 4.96 candidates contested mayoral elections in this period, and 16 per cent of all candidates were women. Density and mayoral prestige were related to higher numbers of candidates; in contrast, incumbent candidates and the availability of other elected positions were related to lower numbers. Notably, the presence of a female incumbent was related to higher numbers of women running for the position of mayor; in contrast, higher mayoral salaries were associated with an increase in the number of male but not female candidates. This analysis enhances our understanding of the factors underlying contested local elections, as well as the factors that appear to facilitate women contesting local elections.


2022 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 102559
Author(s):  
Maciej A. Górecki ◽  
Sławomir Bartnicki ◽  
Maciej Alimowski

Author(s):  
Ceren Yegen

Voters in a democracy contribute to the governance process and mediate the legitimacy of equality and pluralism. This is of great importance in terms of understanding and legitimizing the true meaning of democracy. In the last decade, Turkey has experienced many elections. Local elections on March 31, 2019 were very important. They were quite different in terms of the presentation of political parties and their candidates in the media because both politicians and the public ascribed a lot of meaning to these elections. Therefore, the media showed great interest in the March 31, 2019 local elections, frequently featuring public opinion polls, election campaigns, and political statements that informed voters in real time. This chapter examines the media content of the March 31, 2019 elections.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dag I. Jacobsen ◽  
Anne S. Skomedal

How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-169
Author(s):  
Piki Darma Kristian Pardede ◽  
Rudi Kristian

The issue of bureaucratic neutrality is a serious problem that continues to recur in implementing local elections (Pilkada) in Indonesia. Reflecting on what happened in the 2015 and 2017 North Sumatra Simultaneous Pilkada, this study aims to revive bureaucratic and political relations. Public services. This study uses a qualitative approach with data obtained through in-depth interviews with bureaucratic apparatus in the local government, The North Sumatera Election Provincial Commission (KPUD), The North Sumatera Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), Independent Monitoring Institutions, Lecturer of Public Administration Universitas Sumatera Utara, observation and documentation. The results of this study emphasize the importance of State Civil Apparatus (ASN) to return to neutrality in increasing public trust in the bureaucracy. The results of this study emphasize the importance of ASN to return to neutrality in improving public confidence trust in the bureaucracy. This article argues for collaborative supervision conducted by various elements of government and society as an alternative strategic step to maintain the neutrality of State Civil Apparatus.  


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document