How a “Hunt for Homosexuals” in 1987 Ultimately Contributed to a Real Change in Emancipation for Gay Men Serving in the Armed Forces of the Netherlands

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Jaus Müller
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Gay Men ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Service Members ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Sexual Orientations ◽  
The World ◽  
Real Change ◽  
Leading Position ◽  
The Military

Abstract In 1974, the Netherlands became the first country in the world that no longer forbade gay men from joining the military. It took other Western countries much longer to do the same. From the outside, therefore, it looked as though the liberal country of the Netherlands took a leading position in 1974 regarding the inclusion of people with different sexual orientations in the military. That does not mean, however, that gay service members had an easy time after 1974. The situation hardly changed for the better. This article argues that the dominant view of the Netherlands as a liberal country that was the first to allow gay people into the army in 1974 is in need of revision.

Multicultural tensions in the military? Evidence from the Netherlands armed forces

2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Femke Bosman ◽  
Rudy Richardson ◽  
Joseph Soeters
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Military

scholarly journals Myanmar: Surveillance and the Turn from Authoritarianism?

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 496-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Dean
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
The World ◽  
Communication Devices ◽  
Aung San Suu Kyi ◽  
National League ◽  
Scaling Down ◽  
The Military

In Myanmar, one of the longest ruling military regimes in the world (1962—2011) exerting unrestrained coercion and relying on a pervasive security apparatus, has accepted a constitution and competitive elections. The military directed concatenation of developments but especially the Constitution that legalizes a unique power-sharing arrangement between the military and the elected government, contribute to the exceptionalism but also continuing coercion of Myanmar’s military, even under the democratically elected popular government of former democracy icons Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Holding that a key step in a democratic transition must involve the scaling down of state coercive apparatus, the article demonstrates how this has not been the case in Myanmar. The size, expenditure and revenues of the armed forces have been maintained, the surveillance for political and social control continues, while the spread of mobile communication devices, and particularly social media, has opened up more extensive and easier opportunities for monitoring. Subjugating the practices of surveillance to laws is not prioritized in the complex political context of multiple pressing issues.

Difficulties With Emotion Regulation in the Contemporary U.S. Armed Forces: Structural Contributors and Potential Solutions

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Stanley ◽  
Kelsey L. Larsen
Keyword(s):  
Emotion Regulation ◽  
Work Performance ◽  
Negative Emotions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Service Members ◽  
Operational Environment ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Recruitment And Selection ◽  
Cultural Pressures ◽  
The Military

The ability to regulate negative emotions is especially necessary for service members in the contemporary U.S. armed forces, since they routinely face situations that elicit negative emotions while executing their professional roles. Yet difficulties with regulating emotions, which are associated with stress and mood disorders, suicidality, and impairments in work performance, remain prevalent across this group. This article surveys research in five domains—recruitment and selection effects, military cultural pressures and coping strategies, training, common chronic stressors, and the contemporary operational environment—to highlight structural contributors to the heavy stress loads that U.S. service members often bear, which may contribute to their difficulty with emotion regulation (ER). It concludes with several recommendations that the military could implement to mitigate service members’ stress loads and facilitate ER. Enhancing their ER skills may offer a long-term strategy to improve their resilience and performance.

Environmental Impact of Dutch Military Activities

1989 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J.M. Vertegaal
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Impact ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Total Consumption ◽  
Rare Elements ◽  
The World ◽  
The Military ◽  
Degradation Problem

Mostly for political reasons, rather little research has been done on the environmental impacts of military activities. However, some data on this theme have been collected, especially in North America, the Federal Republic of Germany, and The Netherlands. In this last-mentioned country the overall military environmental impact appears to be considerable, and can be compared qualitatively and quantitatively with the pressures on the environment which other economic sectors impose.The contribution of the military sector to the world-wide environmental degradation problem is estimated at more than 6%, resulting from its share in the gross international product and the heavy character of military practice in both war and peace-time. In The Netherlands this share appears to be about 2 to 5%, which can be deduced from the military share in the national total consumption of energy. The military use of such poisonous and often rare elements as thallium, thorium, copper, beryllium, cadmium, zinc, and lead, varies from about 10 to 40% of their total national use.

Israeli Militarism Reconsidered

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-106
Author(s):  
Adi Sherzer
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Israeli Society ◽  
Analytic Framework ◽  
The World ◽  
Archival Documentation ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
The Military ◽  
Unique Relationship

This article seeks to challenge conventional arguments about Israel’s ‘cultural militarism’ through a comparative analysis of Independence Day parades of the 1950s. Using media reports, newsreels, and archival documentation, it examines the parades and compares them to other cases from around the world. The discussion focuses on three features of the Israeli parades: the widespread civil criticism of the place of the military in Independence Day celebrations; the role of the crowds and their proximity to the marchers; and the partly militaristic character of the parades themselves. While the article does not deny the obvious militaristic connotations of soldiers marching in the streets, it stresses the unique relationship between the armed forces and society in Israel and argues that militarism alone is not a sufficient analytic framework for analyzing Israeli society.

Thailand: Camouflaged Khakistocracy in Civil–Military Relations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. Chambers
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

The history of civil–military relations in Thailand has paralleled the gradual post-1980 primacy of monarchical power over the country. Until 1932, the monarchy ruled absolute across Siam (Thailand). From 1932 until 1980, the military held more clout than the monarchy (though the palace slowly increased its influence after 1957). Since 1980, monarchy and military have dominated the country with the military as junior partner. The two form a khakistocracy: the military’s uniform color of khaki combined with the aristocracy (monarchy). Though there have been brief instances of elected civilian governments, all were overthrown by the military. In fact, Thailand likely holds the record for the highest number of military putsches in the world. Since the death of King Bhumipol Adulyadej in 2016, the clout of the armed forces has become more centralized under his successor and son King Maha Vajiralongkorn. At the same time, post-2019 Prime Minister (and post-2014 junta leader) General Prayuth Chanocha has sought to entrench military power across Thailand. As a result, in 2021, the monarchy and military continue to enhance authoritarian rule as a khakistocracy camouflaged behind the guise of a charade form of democracy. Civil–military relations represent exclusively a partnership between the monarch and the armed forces.

scholarly journals The Hypocrisy of Dutch Actions in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Julie A. Keil
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
Research Paper ◽  
Dutch Government ◽  
World War ◽  
World War 2 ◽  
International Action ◽  
The World ◽  
Specific Order ◽  
The Military

At the end of World War 2 the Netherlands, through its own military tribunals, tried and convicted several members of the Japanese and German militaries for their participation in the war crime of extra judicial executions in Indonesia and the Netherlands.  Several of the convicted men were executed by the Netherlands while others sentenced to lengthy prison terms.  From 1946-1949 the Netherlands, primarily through commando Raymond Westerling, engaged in the same actions they accused the Japanese of having committed.  While no specific order was ever revealed showing that Westerling’s actions were ordered by the military, the Netherlands tacitly approved his actions by failing to control him and his men and by their unwillingness to take responsibility for his actions before or after the Netherlands withdrew its forces from Indonesia in 1949.  This research paper explores the extrajudicial executions conducted by Westerling, his men, other Dutch military and the Dutch government in order to provide a better and more thorough understanding of these events and the lack of national or international action against war crimes committed after World War 2.  It concludes that the Netherlands has failed to try or even accuse Westerling and others of war crimes or take actions to discipline them, and in fact has covered up his actions and failed to make public those war crimes.  Further that the reason for this continued hypocritical refusal is a concern for the reputation of the Netherlands in the world and a belief that high levels of government would be found complicit.

scholarly journals De um ditador civil aos ditadores militares

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.

scholarly journals Behavioral Economics in Military Personnel Research and Policy

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Benjamin Sylvester ◽  
Damian O’Keefe ◽  
Steve Gooch ◽  
Eugenia Kalantzis
Keyword(s):  
Behavioral Economics ◽  
Military Personnel ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Behavioral Sciences ◽  
Canadian Armed Forces ◽  
The World ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Military ◽  
Economics Research ◽  
Research And Policy

AbstractBehavioral economics is a burgeoning field of research that is being used to increase the effectiveness of military policies, programs, and operations. This chapter provides an overview of the origins of behavioral economics, key concepts, how behavioral economics research translates into applied behavioral change, and the rise of behavioral economics teams in government around the world. The chapter outlines how behavioral economics is being used within the military, with specific examples from Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) personnel research to illustrate how this field is being applied to military behavioral sciences.

Political Dimensions of Military Technical Cooperation Between Russia and Saudi Arabia

2021 ◽  
pp. 161-167
Author(s):  
Kirill V. Seroshtanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Technical Cooperation ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Middle East Countries ◽  
Arms Trade ◽  
The Military

The role of Russia in the Middle East region has been increasing since the start of operation in Syria. This forces not only Russia, but also the Middle East countries including Saudi Arabia to adjust their politics according to the current situation. Both Russia and Saudi Arabia actively use military technical cooperation to develop relations with other countries, so it is essential that in their interstate relations this instrument should be applied. In this article, the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia is under consideration. The article aims to determine the dependence of military technical cooperation between the countries on politics. There is a lack of literature on the issue; the main part of it covers military technical cooperation between Russia and the Middle East countries and also the interstate relations with them in general. Due to the specific character of the arms trade sphere, the volume of sources is also insufficient. However, it is possible to carry out an analysis that allows forming the general image of the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia and its reason on the basis of related mass media publications and SIPRI data. The analysis of the Russia-Saudi Arabia military technical cooperation development shows that its expansion is in correlation with the growing role of Russia in the Middle East. In the middle of the 2010s, a number of contracts were concluded and performed. The following reasons of this expansion can be mentioned: problems in interstate relations between Saudi Arabia and the Western countries caused by the conflict in Yemen and Jamal Khashoggi's killing, the Arms Trade Treaty limitations for trade with Saudi Arabia for Western countries, Saudi Arabia's diversification of arms suppliers, search of Russia for new arms markets, etc. Nevertheless, these reasons cannot be assumed as reasons of crucial importance: the Western countries maintain their positions on the Saudi Arabia arms market despite all the limitations and issues in interstate relations, Saudi Arabia is not the key arms market for Russia; moreover, the integration of Russian arms systems into Saudi Arabia's armed forces formed by the Western military standard is quite complicated. Taking into account all the limitations related to the military technical cooperation between the countries, it can be stated that neither Russia nor Saudi Arabia has crucial economical or technical reasons for its start. Therefore, the following conclusion can be made: military technical cooperation between these countries is not a single process; it is caused by a whole direction of interstate relations, and it is only an instrument to boost them.

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