Jewish Bodies And Renaissance Melancholy: Culture And The City In Italy And The Ottoman Empire

2009 ◽  
pp. 57-92
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The City

scholarly journals Reporting from the city: Vignettes from Constantinople in the Dispatches of Lord Strangford during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s

Chronos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Theophilus C Prousis
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
Explosive Force ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Shed Light

The tangled web of the Eastern Question became the single most explosive force in European great power politics during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Constantinople became the epicenter of this contentious dispute in Ottoman-European relations. Eyewitness commentaries by diplomats, travelers, residents, and others who visited this fabled city conveyed images and episodes about various topics, including European interactions with the Ottoman Empire, European designs on contested lands, and Ottoman politics and policy. These scenes and stories not only shed light on the geopolitical heart of the Eastern Question but also reinforce the centrality of this volatile issue in the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Europe.

scholarly journals LEGAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL SITUATION IN AGRICULTURE OF THE VIROVITICA COUNTY AND THE CITY OF OSIJEK IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-84
Author(s):  
Daniel Haman ◽  
◽  
Darko Iljkić ◽  
Ivana Varga
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
New Era ◽  
Regional Administration ◽  
Short Time ◽  
The City ◽  
Laws And Regulations

The Treaty of Karlowitz signed in 1699 concluded the rule of the Ottoman Empire in most parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Liberation of Osijek in 1687, and consequently of whole Slavonia in 1699 brought a new era of freedom and prosperity to its citizens. At least for a short time, since the Habsburg Monarchy re-established their rule over the country by bringing feudal laws and regulations back into force. Austrian empress and Hungarian-Croatian Queen Maria Theresa united Slavonia with Croatia, and re-established the counties of Virovitica, Požega and Syrmia, meaning that the regional administration of Slavonia was completely relinquished to the civil authorities.

“As if she were Jerusalem”: Placemaking in Sephardic Salonica

2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-169
Author(s):  
Peter Christensen
Keyword(s):  
Material Culture ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Demographic Shift ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Broad Array ◽  
Specific Concept ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Groups ◽  
The City

No Mediterranean city witnessed as dramatic a demographic shift as Salonica following the expulsion of the Jews from Iberia in 1492. This article explores the specific concept of placemaking in the context of this transformation, examining how the industries, devotional spaces, mythology, and material traditions of Iberian Jews tactically engaged with extant forms of Ottoman multicultural governance and social systems. Drawing upon a broad array of visual and textual information, this article argues that under the evolving mechanics of the millet and dhimmi systems, the nimbler aspects of material culture–color, fabric, dress, spoliation–proved to be the most effective in articulating and developing diasporic Sephardic identity within both the city and the empire. This article further analyzes the ways in which this identity was capable of, if not inclined to, the delimiting of regional, class, and gender groups, ultimately contouring and challenging notions of a monolithic minority culture within the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth through the early nineteenth century.

The Wounded Turks and the Fall of Damascus, 1 October 1918

Belleten ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 66 (247) ◽  
pp. 931-942
Author(s):  
Yücel Güçlü
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
The Political ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Military Hospitals ◽  
General Rules ◽  
Military Administration ◽  
Medical Organisation ◽  
The Hague ◽  
The City

At 6 a.m. on 1 October 1918, Feisal's forces entered Damascus. All day and night they flowed into the Omayade capital and started looting and killing, particularly Turkish soldiers who were wounded and sick. British units remained outside the city. The new Arab administration proved unable to keep order. One particularly gruesome incident was the looting of the main Turkish hospital. It contained between 600 to 800 wounded. Many of them died. The Turks had no cover for the sick. Few of the men had blankets; they had no medical organisation. There were no drugs, bandages, or food fit for sick men; no sanitation. Very little assistance could be obtained from the local Arab authorities in Damascus. They were indifferent to human suffering. However, the wounded Turks left in Damascus suffered not just because of Arab logistical problems, but also because the political need to exclude the British units from Damascus left the sick and wounded Turks bereft of care. The British re-occupied the Turkish military hospitals after four days' Arab control as the Turkish wounded were receiving no care. They then set about cutting the death rate from 70 to 15 a day. The patterns of military administration in Damascus were supposed to follow international practice as prescribed in the Fourth Convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land signed at the Hague in the Netherlands on 18 October 1907 and entered into force on 26 January 1910, to which both Britain and the Ottoman Empire were parties. The British clearly disregarded the general rules on the occupied enemy territories as defined by this convention. It was essential to obey the main rules of military occupation. Therefore the neglect of the Turkish hospitals in Damascus by British forces, was, to say the least, unlawful. The poor conditions for the wounded Turks were a direct result of the British army being instructed to promote an Arab administration in Damascus. The French looked upon this British connivance with indignation. Paris accused London of hiding behind the façade of Arab nationalism to undermine French influence in Syria. During the war Britain had already in the Sykes-Picot Agreement recognised French interest in Syria. In terms of international politics it must have been that the Turkish sick and wounded were marginal to the central objective of giving the impression that Feisal's Arabs were in charge. Turks suffered as a result of British realpolitik.

scholarly journals The Parthenon, Pericles and King Solomon: a case study of Ottoman archaeological imagination in Greece

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-274
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Key Fowden
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
History Of ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
The City

What made Athens different from other multi-layered cities absorbed into the Ottoman Empire was the strength of its ancient reputation for learning that echoed across the Arabic and Ottoman worlds. But not only sages were remembered and Islamized in Athens; sometimes political figures were too. In the early eighteenth century a mufti of Athens, Mahmud Efendi, wrote a rarely studiedHistory of the City of Sages (Tarih-i Medinetü’l-Hukema)in which he transformed Pericles into a wise leader on a par with the Qur'anic King Solomon and linked the Parthenon mosque to Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.

Deception and Violence in the Ottoman Empire: The People's Theory of Crowd Behavior during the Hamidian Massacres of 1895

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 810-835
Author(s):  
Ali Sipahi
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social History ◽  
Social Distance ◽  
The Other ◽  
Crowd Behavior ◽  
Historical Ethnography ◽  
American Missionaries ◽  
The City

AbstractThis article is an historical ethnography of the popular conceptualizations of crowd behavior during the pogroms against the Armenians in the Ottoman East in 1895–1896. It draws on contemporary sources like official telegrams, governmental reports, letters of American missionaries, and Armenian periodicals to show that observers with otherwise highly conflicting views described the structure of the event in the exact same way: as an outcome of sinister deception. Without exception, all parties told some story of deception to explain the violent attacks of the Kurdish semi-nomadic crowds on the Armenian neighborhoods of the city of Harput. The article analyzes these cases of disguise, deluding, and inculcation to reveal how contemporary observers theorized crowd behavior in general and the atrocities they witnessed in particular. They did not perceive violence as an index of social distance or deep societal divisions. On the contrary, they described a world in which Armenians and Muslims lived a shared life, and where one attacked the other only when deceived. Methodologically, the article lifts barriers between intellectual history and social history on behalf of an historical ethnography of people's theories about their own society.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document