Three New fossil-species of Pteroceltis (Cannabaceae) from East Asia

Phytotaxa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 409 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
WILLIAM OKI WONG ◽  
DAVID L. DILCHER ◽  
KAZUHIKO UEMURA
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Fossil Record ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Eastern China ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Monotypic Genus ◽  
Fossil Species ◽  
Early Oligocene

Pteroceltis (Cannabaceae) is a monotypic genus endemic to China, and relatively little is known about its fossil record. Here, we describe three new fossil-species of Pteroceltis from the early Oligocene Hoengyeong Formation of Kungshim, North Korea and the Miocene Shanwang Formation of Shandong Province, eastern China. Pteroceltis kungshimensis comb. nov. and P. taoae sp. nov. from North Korea and China possess sub-orbicular, thin-stipitate, and bilaterally winged fruits, but the former is noticeably smaller in size. Pteroceltis shanwangensis sp. nov. from the Shanwang Formation is characterized by its ovate simple leaves bearing one order of teeth and brochidodromous secondary veins including an exposed basal pair. This study shows that Pteroceltis was distributed in China, North Korea, Germany and the United States during the Paleogene. It might have become regionally extinct in North America, Europe and Northeast Asia after the Oligocene and was gradually restricted to East Asia by the Miocene. China is a living museum for Pteroceltis.

scholarly journals Rethinking the Security Architecture of North East Asia

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
Michael J Kelly ◽  
Sean Watts
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War

In the aftermath of the Cold War, many began to question the continuing efficacy, or at least call for reform, of collective security structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Security Council. Yet, North East Asia never enjoyed a formal, institutionalised collective security structure. As Russia and the United States recede and China emerges in North East Asia, this article questions whether now is the time to consider such an arrangement. Financially, Japan and South Korea are locked into a symbiotic relationship with China (as is the United States), while the government in Beijing continues to militarise and lay territorial and maritime claims to large areas of the region. Moreover, the regime in North Korea, with its new nuclear capabilities, remains unpredictable. Consequently, central components to the question of collective security in North East Asia are the equally vexing questions of what to do about North Korea and whether a new formalised security arrangement would include or exclude the People's Republic of China.

Japan will engage steadfastly with South-east Asia

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Manufactured Goods

Significance Japan is viewed by ASEAN states as the most constructive player among the major powers. China is seen as aggressive and the United States as unreliable under President Donald Trump. Impacts Suga is unlikely to remain in office for more than a year. Post-pandemic economic recovery in Japan will be slow due to weak demand for its manufactured goods at home and abroad. China’s stance over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands and the missile threat from North Korea will be Tokyo’s top security concerns.

FROM STRATEGIC PATIENCE TO STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY: Trump, North Korea, and South Korea’s New President

World Affairs ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 180 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Leif-Eric Easley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Maximum Pressure ◽  
Window Of Opportunity ◽  
Strategic Uncertainty ◽  
Trump Administration

The Trump administration declared the Obama-era “strategic patience” toward North Korea a failure. As President Trump extols unpredictability as a virtue, the new U.S. policy of “maximum pressure and engagement” has become a factor of strategic uncertainty in Northeast Asia. However, the instrumental use of uncertainty has a narrow window of opportunity for frustrating North Korea’s nuclear missile development and raising international expectations for China holding Pyongyang accountable. This article considers the prospects of the United States in leveraging “all options on the table” while recognizing the contradictions in China’s role and in South Korea’s domestic politics.

The Evolving Inter-Korean Relationship and Regional Politics

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sung-Joo Han
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Realistic Assessment ◽  
North And South

The historic June 2000 summit and subsequent exchanges between North and South Korea have added a new dimension to not only South-North Korean relations but also the situation in Northeast Asia as a whole. On one hand, the thawing South- North Korean relations has generated great optimism among those who see it as an irrefutable sign of North Korea's intention to join the rest of the world as a constructive player. At the other extreme, it is seen as a deceptive, if not desperate, act on the part of North Korea to reap economic gains and lower the guard of South Korea and its allies, principally the United States. Perhaps a more realistic assessment lies somewhere between these polar analyses.

Japan and Stalin's Policy toward Northeast Asia after World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wolff
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Alliance

This article begins by showing that Japan was central to Iosif Stalin's postwar policy in Northeast Asia. The article then examines how the emphasis on Japan led to actions in and with North Korea (and China), first to try to block and then to try to compensate for the separate peace and military alliance between the United States and Japan. The penultimate section recounts meetings between Stalin and leaders of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) in the spring and summer of 1951. The article concludes by explaining how Stalin's meetings with the JCP fit into his policies in Northeast Asia as they evolved largely in step with U.S.-Soviet relations.

scholarly journals Kompleksitas Keamanan Kawasan dan Tantangan Kerja Sama Keamanan Asia Timur

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44
Author(s):  
M. Najeri Al Syahrin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
East Asia ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
The Many

This article will explain the regional security complex as a key challenge in the establishment of regional security cooperation in East Asia. The complex of security in East Asia described by explaining the security relations between North Korea and South Korea, China and Japan, the United States with Japan, and China with the United States and a pattern of chain reaction to the various security policies of these countries. This security complex makes it difficult to establish effective regional security cooperation. The Challenge of the regional security complex that most decisive in the formation of cooperation that will be done by the countries of the East Asia region is due to competition and differences of interests between the United States and China as a superpower state in the region. In addition, the many differences in the nature and orientation of political interests of Japan, South Korea, and North Korea are also still a constraint in the formation of regional security organizations and cooperation.

scholarly journals Ketidakaktifan yang Disengaja? Memahami Sikap Tiongkok dalam Negosiasi Isu Denuklirisasi Korea Utara

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Mochammad A. R. Syarafi ◽  
Pasek A. Diwangkara ◽  
Brian Ainurrohman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The North ◽  
Data Collecting ◽  
Nuclear Development

The bilateral meeting between the United States and North Korea, whichwas held in Hanoi in February 2019, has not resulted in any agreementbetween the two parties. Furthermore, North Korea’s construction activityof a nuclear development facility in Tongchan-ri has threatened the possibilityof any agreement between both states and has shown North Korea’spoor commitment to denuclearization. In order to understand the attitudeshown by North Korea, it is important to consider the presence of anotherdominant actor in East Asia, the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Thisresearch aims to study the significance of the North Korean denuclearizationissue for the PRC, as well as the PRC’s position in the issue. This researchutilizes a document-based data-collecting method, which includesofficial documents released by the PRC as well as literatures that havecarried out earlier studies on the topic. This research has shown that thePRC possesses significant interests and power in the denuclearization ofNorth Korea, which require the country to maintain an unclear stance inthe denuclearization process of North Korea.

The Nuclear Crisis on the Korean Peninsula: Avoiding the Road to Perdition

2003 ◽  
Vol 102 (663) ◽  
pp. 152-169
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Road ◽  
The North ◽  
Constructive Engagement ◽  
Nuclear Crisis

Confrontational United States policies toward North Korea, adopted unilaterally, would not only exacerbate the nuclear crisis but also undermine United States relations with Northeast Asia as a whole. … The United States would end up with the worst of both worlds: a nuclear-capable North Korea and severely strained relations with key powers important to United States interests globally as well as regionally. Conversely, by pursuing constructive engagement in concert with its friends and allies in the region, the United States would maximize the pressure on North Korea for an acceptable nuclear settlement and promote the long-term United States objective of liberalizing the North Korean system.

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