scholarly journals Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932110556
Author(s):  
Juta Kawalerowicz ◽  
Anders Hjorth-Trolle
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Positive Association ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Significant Finding ◽  
Immigrant Background ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Geocoded Data

In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.

scholarly journals Social class versus cultural identity as factors in the residential segregation of ethnic groups in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver for 2001

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 203 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. R. Balakrishnan ◽  
Paul Maxim ◽  
Rozzet Jurdi
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Residential Segregation ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
South Asians ◽  
The United States ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Cultural Preferences ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
Using Data

This article examines the relevance of the spatial assimilation model in understanding residential segregation of ethnic groups in the three largest gateway cities of Canada. Using data from the census of 2001 it finds that while the model may have worked for the European groups they are less applicable to the visible minorities such as the Chinese, South Asians and Blacks. Residential segregation reduces with generation for the European groups but not for the visible minorities. Canadian patterns seem to be different from that seen in the United States. Many visible minority groups maintain their concentration levels even in the suburbs. The findings seem to indicate that cultural preferences may be just as important as social class in the residential choices of visible minority groups.

scholarly journals Career Satisfaction: A Look behind the Races

2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Yap ◽  
Wendy Cukier ◽  
Mark Robert Holmes ◽  
Charity-Ann Hannan
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Financial Services ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Career Satisfaction ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Information And Communications Technology ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Black Employees

Previous studies have largely focused on the career success of white employees (Heslin, 2005). Using recent survey data, this paper examines the career satisfaction levels of white/Caucasian and visible minority managerial, professional and executive employees in the information and communications technology [ICT] and financial services sectors in corporate Canada. Given that the demographic makeup of organizations in Canada is drastically changing with the aging population and the increasing participation of visible minorities in the labour force, it is crucial for managers and organizations to understand their employees’ level of career satisfaction. Studies have found that employees who are more satisfied with their careers are more engaged and thus are more likely to actively contribute to the organization’s success (Peluchette, 1993; Harter, Schmidt and Hayes, 2002). Findings from this paper showed that the average career satisfaction scores were lower for visible minority employees than for white/Caucasian employees. In addition, variations were found between white/Caucasian employees and Chinese, South Asian and Black visible minority employees. While Black employees were 13.0% less satisfied than white/Caucasian employees, Chinese employees were only 8.3% less satisfied than their white/Caucasian counterparts, and the difference between South Asian and white/Caucasian employees was found to be insignificant. Decomposition analyses show that over 58% to 82% of the difference in career of satisfaction scores, depending on the ethnic group, can be accounted for by factors included in this paper. Of the unexplained portion, most of the differences in career satisfaction between white/Caucasian and minority groups are attributable to higher returns to white/Caucasian employees’ human capital and demographic characteristics.

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Bird ◽  
Samantha D. Jackson ◽  
R. Michael McGregor ◽  
Aaron A. Moore ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Interactive Effects ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Minority Candidate ◽  
The City

AbstractDo women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.

scholarly journals The Relative Earnings of Visible Minorities in Canada

2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Swidinsky ◽  
Michael Swidinsky
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Work Experience ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
Relative Earnings ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Foreign Work ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Immigrant Men

Summary This article presents new evidence on the relative earnings of visible minority immigrant and native-born paid workers in Canada using data from the 1996 Census. Our findings show that labour market disadvantages associated with visible minority status are largely confined to immigrant men. The earnings deficits imputed to minority native-born men and immigrant women are fairly modest, and it appears that native-born women are paid a premium. Among immigrant men, labour market disadvantages are apparent primarily among those who were older when they arrived in Canada. There is some evidence that foreign work experience is relatively undervalued, but there is little evidence that immigrants receive lower compensation for foreign-based schooling. Finally, our analysis of individual ethnic minority groups reveals that Black men are most profoundly affected by labour market discrimination: The earnings deficit they must contend with is both significant and inter-generationally persistent.

scholarly journals Engagement Strategy for a Racism-Free Workplace

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-171
Author(s):  
John Samuel ◽  
Nand Tandon
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
High Education ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Visible Minority ◽  
Executive Summary ◽  
Visible Minorities ◽  
Workplace Barriers

Executive summary of a Canadian qualitative study conducted by John Samuel and Nand Tandon, John Samuel and Associates, Ottawa (2015). Despite being conducted several years ago, the study has remained unpublished until its inclusion in this CPI issue. The research examines systemic issues and barriers encountered by members of the First Nations and visible minorities in the high education segment of the Canadian workplace, barriers that remain in Canada today. The Engagement Plan for a Racism-Free Workplace forms part of the Labour Program of [the federal government’s] HRSDC’s drive to end race-based discrimination in the workplace faced by Aboriginal peoples and members of visible minority groups. As well, the federal government has made a commitment to removing race-related barriers in the workplace and to consulting racial and ethnic groups in developing public policy to achieve this objective.

Competing for Loyalists? How Party Positioning Affects Populist Radical Right Voting

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199716
Author(s):  
Winston Chou ◽  
Rafaela Dancygier ◽  
Naoki Egami ◽  
Amaney A. Jamal
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Alternative Für Deutschland ◽  
Party Loyalty ◽  
The Status ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Voter Groups

As populist radical right parties muster increasing support in many democracies, an important question is how mainstream parties can recapture their voters. Focusing on Germany, we present original panel evidence that voters supporting the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)—the country’s largest populist radical right party—resemble partisan loyalists with entrenched anti-establishment views, seemingly beyond recapture by mainstream parties. Yet this loyalty does not only reflect anti-establishment voting, but also gridlocked party-issue positioning. Despite descriptive evidence of strong party loyalty, experimental evidence reveals that many AfD voters change allegiances when mainstream parties accommodate their preferences. However, for most parties this repositioning is extremely costly. While mainstream parties can attract populist radical right voters via restrictive immigration policies, they alienate their own voters in doing so. Examining position shifts across issue dimensions, parties, and voter groups, our research demonstrates that, absent significant changes in issue preferences or salience, the status quo is an equilibrium.

scholarly journals Economic Distress and Support for Radical Right Parties—Evidence From Sweden

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110243
Author(s):  
Sirus H. Dehdari
Keyword(s):  
Market Competition ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Skilled Immigrants ◽  
Economic Distress ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Unemployment Risk ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
High Share

This paper studies the effects of economic distress on support for radical right parties. Using Swedish election data, I show that one layoff notice among low-skilled native-born workers increases, on average, support for the Swedish radical right party the Sweden Democrats by 0.17–0.45 votes. The relationship between layoff notices and support for the Sweden Democrats is stronger in areas with a high share of low-skilled immigrants and in areas with a low share of high-skilled immigrants. These findings are in line with theories suggesting that economically distressed voters oppose immigration as they fear increased labor market competition. In addition, I use individual-level survey data to show that self-reported unemployment risk is positively associated with voting for the Sweden Democrats among low-skilled respondents while the opposite is true for high-skilled respondents, echoing the aggregate-level findings.

scholarly journals With a Little Help from Their Friends: The Consequences of Populists in National Government for Policymaking in Local Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Fred Paxton
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
National Government ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Local Policy ◽  
Institutional Settings ◽  
Strategic Value ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Multilevel Perspective ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Newspaper Data

Abstract Despite increasing research into populist parties in power, their impact on subnational institutions has been neglected. Taking a novel multilevel perspective, this article inquires into the policy consequences of populist radical right parties (specifically, the FPÖ and Lega) in local government, and the effect of their simultaneous participation in national government. The article shows the expansion of exclusionary policy that follows their concurrent presence in national and local government. The process that leads from national government entry to local policy influence is traced using interview and newspaper data. The article argues that the influence of central parties over these ‘showcase’ localities is rooted in different multilevel governance configurations. These vary cross-nationally according to two factors: the strength of mayors’ linkages with higher government levels in the different institutional settings and, due to the different extent of party nationalization, the strategic value of the municipality to the central party.

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