scholarly journals A Pip Into The Gulag: A Comparative Study of Incarceration In Alex La Guma’s The Stone Country And Zeleza’s Smouldering Charcoal

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Victor Oijagbe Ogbeide

This paper is a comparative study of incarceration in two African novels. The concept of the modern prison as a form of deterrence and rehabilitation can be traced to 18th century Europe. With the passage of time however, many authoritarian leaders have come to regard prison houses as veritable places to forcibly confine their political opponents in their bid to desperately remove them from the socio-political space. Apart from a few criminals in the two novels many of the prisoners are prisoners of conscience. Ironically, as observed in the two works, while the unforgiving circumstance in the prison and the brutality of the prison guards have conspired to deepen the depravity of the criminal elements in the prison, the political prisoners have become even tougher in their conviction to fight the evil regimes that confine them there. The paper contends that rehabilitation and deterrence can hardly take place for the genuine criminals in the two novels because these items  seem to have vanished from the administrative guidelines of the prison officials. The way forward therefore, the paper concludes, lies in good governance which will not only prevent the need for political repression or imprisonment but also see prison as a genuine instrument of reform.

1966 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Rudé

It is now more than thirty-five years since Sir Lewis Namier gave his famous shot in the arm to the study of the parliamentary politics of the 18th century. Under his impact, the great Tory and Whig monoliths have been effectively dethroned and their places taken by ‘connections’ and ‘groups’, by ‘ins’ and ‘outs’ – and among the ‘outs’ the ‘loyal’, or sometimes ‘factious’, opposition. But Namier's preoccupations, and the enthusiasm they inspired, far from stimulating research into the whole field of political action, have rather had the effect of confining its operation to Parliament alone. Hence, the unofficial opposition – that of the ‘political nation’ without-doors – has tended to be neglected. Yet, in this more spontaneous, unofficial opposition from ‘without doors’, it is instructive to see the way in which different actions, starting in different quarters of the community converge for more or less brief periods and exert a common pressure. Anomic and associational movements, social protest and political demands, well-organized and clear-sighted interest groups and ‘directaction’ crowds, leaders and followers come together in a chorus of united opposition, in which, however, the individual parts can still be distinguished and identified.


10.1068/a3737 ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia M Martin

The author presents a comparative study of neoliberalism in two Mexican localities, Monterrey and Oaxaca, using the analytical lens of a ‘topography’. Although in theory a common set of ideas underpins neoliberal ideology and policy, in practice the way in which neoliberal projects are materialized in specific locations is differentiated, segmented, and highly uneven. Reflecting this, neoliberalism appears to have exacerbated regional differences in Mexico. An emphasis on topography draws attention to the political–economic processes that produce such difference. This destabilizes commonsensical representations of regional difference in Mexico, which pit a modern, industrialized, and increasingly democratic North against an impoverished, traditional, and authoritarian South. Furthermore, drawing analytical linkages across place allows the production of situated political responses to neoliberalism to be brought into coalition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús Francisco Cháirez-Garza

This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.


Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.


Author(s):  
Эльза Петровна Бакаева

В статье анализируются калмыцкие народные песни о паломничестве в Тибет на примере текстов «Зу гидг һазр» ‘Страна, называемая Тибет’, «Алта гидг һазрас» ‘Из местности, называемой Алтай’. На основе сравнительного исследования разновременных записей песни «Зу гидг һазр» (1897 г., 1903 г., а также записи конца XX в.) и сопоставления с историческими данными о посольствах и паломничествах в Тибет и вариантами преданий о Джиджетен-ламе сделан вывод о том, что религиозная песня посвящена паломническому посольству хана Дондук-Даши (1755‒1757 гг.) и в ней отражены сведения о пути в Тибет через Монголию и Кукунор. Анализ песни «Алта гидг һазрас» и данных наиболее полного текста песни «Зу гидг һазр» в записи Г. Й. Рамстедта позволил сделать вывод о том, что в них отражены сведения о двух основных путях в Тибет. Архивные и литературные материалы о паломничествах в Тибет свидетельствуют, что в XVII в., когда территория формирующегося Калмыцкого ханства была подвижной, к святыням Лхасы, называвшейся калмыками «Зу», отправлялись по традиционному пути через территории расселения ойратов — «из местности, называемой Алтай». С начала XVIII в. по ряду причин путь в Тибет пролегал через Монголию и Кукунор. И лишь в начале XX в. вновь был освоен путь в Тибет, бывший традиционным для их предков, который теперь назывался «новым». The article analyzes the Kalmyk folk songs about the pilgrimage to Tibet through the example of the texts titled “Zu gidg gazr” (“The Country Called Tibet”), “Alta gidg gazras” (“From the Land Called Altai”). The comparative study of records of the song “Zu gidg gazr” of different times (1897, 1903, late 20th century) and insights into historical data and versions of legends about Jijeten Lama conclude that the religious song is dedicated to the pilgrimage embassy of Khan Donduk-Dashi (1755‒1757) and contains information about the way to Tibet through Mongolia and Kokonor. The analysis of the song “Alta gidg gazras” and the data of the most complete text of the song “Zu gidg gazr” recorded by G. J. Ramstedt makes it possible to conclude that those reflect information about two main routes to Tibet. Archival and literary materials about pilgrimages to Tibet indicate that in the 17th century when boundaries of the emerging Kalmyk Khanate were still mobile, routes to the shrines of Lhasa (Zu) went through the traditional territories of Oirat settlement ― “from the area called Altai”. From the beginning of the 18th century, for a number of reasons, the way to Tibet lay through Mongolia and Kokonor. Only at the beginning of the 20th century the path to Tibet which had been traditional for ancestors (now called the “new one”) was mastered again.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Neillisa Regga Syahputri ◽  
Eny Kusdarini

Good governance is a form of sound innovation and effective implementation of policies and reparations that are responsive to society's needs. In a modern legal state, the implementation of e-governance demands increasingly complex societal developments, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, which can change the way people live so that all activities must coexist with technology. This article's approach is qualitative with a systematic literature review as a research method to conduct a comparative study of several kinds of literature by analyzing the data to produce accurate and valid data. This article shows the results of implementing good governance through e-governance in modern law countries by following technological developments amid the Covid-19 pandemic. One of the policies is using e-governance as a means of public service to facilitate the implementation of good governance in all areas of life.


Author(s):  
Azhar Abbas ◽  
Karol Teovani Lodan

Public Service which regulates the principles of good governance which is the effectiveness of government functions itself. The forms of maladministration that we often encounter are abuse of authority, prolonged delays, neglect of legal obligations, procedural irregularities, nontransparency, negligence, discrimination, extortion, unprofessionalism, unclear information, arbitrary acts, legal uncertainty, and mismanagement. Ombudsman supervision is a representation of the supervision carried out by the community or civil society groups. The way the Ombudsman works is also similar to the way civil society works, free of charge, and various other conveniences. In addition to being largely determined by the political will of state administrators and political support in parliament, the effectiveness of the work of the Ombudsman is also largely determined by how far the community has an understanding of the Ombudsman.


Author(s):  
A. Simoniya

The power in Myanmar (former Burma) was under military control since 1962. Now, at last, things begin to change. One can see something looking more like democracy. The 2010 elections, however, resulted in nothing more than some modification of the facade. The military has reasserted its leading position, the generals are pulling the strings just like before. Nevertheless, the authorities made a bold and crucial step: a meeting was arranged between the State rulers and the political detainee number 1 Aung San Suu Kyi, the uncontested opposition leader. A limited amnesty of political prisoners was also announced. The point is that the military rulers are anxious to break out of the international isolation and to get rid of the crippling sanctions imposed on their country by the major world powers. The first steps on this long road appear rather successful.


1989 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Duquette

The article is a comparative study of Hegel and Marx on the nature and function of the political state and it argues that Marx's critique of Hegel on this topic is aimed not at the “idealism” of the state, which concerns the principle of universal freedom, but rather at the “material” presuppositions of the state. Indeed, Marx's critique of political institutions is premised upon the way in which they are infected with the egoism and self-seeking of civil (bürgerliche) society. The relationship between the views of Hegel and Marx on these points is explored by (1) giving an exegesis of Hegel's conception of civil society as a foundation for freedom, (2) examining Marx's critique of Hegel's theory of the state, (3) distinguishing the Hegelian and Marxian philosophical conceptions of freedom, the individual, and community, and (4) evaluating the fairness and cogency of Marx's critique of Hegel.


2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Donald Beecher

This is a study of a Renaissance artist and his patrons, but with an added complication, insofar as Leone de' Sommi, the gifted academician and playwright in the employ of the dukes of Mantua in the second half of the sixteenth century, was Jewish and a lifelong promoter and protector of his community. The article deals with the complex relationship between the court and the Jewish "università" concerning the drama and the way in which dramatic performances also became part of the political, judicial and social negotiations between the two parties, as well as a study of Leone's role as playwright and negotiator during a period that was arguably one of the best of times for the Jews of Mantua.


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