scholarly journals Consumer/Voter Behavior in the Passage of the Michigan Container law

1981 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Crosby ◽  
James D. Gill ◽  
James R. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Behavior ◽  
General Election ◽  
Voter Behavior ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Voter Preference ◽  
Consumer Segment ◽  
Bottle Bill

The landslide victory of Michigan's “bottle bill” by popular vote contradicts previous findings regarding the small size of the ecologically concerned consumer segment. A survey of voter preference conducted just prior to the 1976 general election addresses this contradiction and some broader aspects of consumer environmental behavior. Implications for ecological marketers are discussed.

On the Ground

2019 ◽  
pp. 290-308
Author(s):  
Patrick French
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Politics ◽  
General Election ◽  
North India ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Personal Journey ◽  
Voter Preference ◽  
South West ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
High Turnout ◽  
Voting Decisions

Based on a personal journey through states in south, west, and north India, starting from Bengaluru and ending with Banaras, this chapter examines popular and elite conceptions of electoral politics during the 2014 Indian general election campaign. It argues that the National Democratic Alliance’s success was not monocausal, but arose from effective targeting of ‘winnable’ seats, high turnout by new voters, the professionalism of the BJP’s national campaign, and limits in the success of appeals to caste identity in favour of voter preference based on economic self-interest and aspiration. Using interviews with individuals, ‘On The Ground’ looks at the ways local, regional, or state factors can affect voting decisions.

scholarly journals Good times for a change? Ireland since the general election

Soundings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (75) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Colin Coulter ◽  
John Reynolds
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Election Result ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
First Time

The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.

The Indonesian Army and Functional Groups, 1957–59

1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yong Mun Cheong
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Functional Groups ◽  
Rapid Growth ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
New Order ◽  
Popular Vote

After the abortive coup of 1965, the army-based government of General Suharto became firmly established in Indonesia. From that year till 1971, a marked feature of the “New Order” government of Suharto was the rapid growth of the Golkar, an army-controlled confederation of anti-communist organizations which was founded in 1964. The name “Golkar” is actually an acronym for Golongan Karya which can be translated as “functional groups”. In the 1971 general election, Golkar won 236 out of 360 seats in Parliament and 64-5 per cent of the popular vote. The huge gains made by Golkar gave the impression then that functional groups had come to stay as a major factor in Indonesian politics. Supported and sponsored by the army, with financial means, transportation and communications facilities at its disposal, the power of the functional groups seemed to overshadow the influence of the other political parties (e.g. Nahdatul Ulama, Partai Nasional Indonesia) that had until recently been the major organizations that dominated Indonesian politics.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Lucy Atkinson ◽  
Andrew Blick ◽  
Matt Qvortrup
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
General Election ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Turmoil

This book was conceived of and written during a protracted episode of political turmoil. The period of disruption in question was triggered by the use of a democratic device; one which asks members of the public to choose between options with respect to a given decision. It is known as a referendum. This particular popular vote was held on 23 June 2016 across Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Gibraltar. The ballot paper read: ‘[s]hould the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’ Of those who could have voted (rounded to two decimal places), 72.15 per cent took part and cast valid votes (that is, 33,551,983 of a total of 46,501,241), a higher proportion than at any General Election since 1992 (77.71)....

Spain's Catalonia poll to determine independence issue

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Government ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
General Election ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Popular Party

Significance Pro-independence parties are using the election to seek enough seats to initiate moves to independence in the next 18 months. While intensifying its campaigning against Catalan independence, the Spanish government will not recognise the poll as anything other than an 'ordinary' regional election. With the national government having denied pro-independence forces the possibility of an independence referendum, the use of a regular election could mean that they gain a local parliamentary majority to proceed without a majority of the local popular vote. Impacts A pro-independence win will see fissures between those seeking a total break with Spain, and those wanting to negotiate something less. A pro-independence loss could see the emergence of a leftist coalition in Catalonia spanning pro-independence and unionist forces. Whoever wins, the outcome will point to the extent of constitutional reform that may occur after December's general election. Citizens is likely to replace the Popular Party (PP) as the main local opponent of Catalan nationalism.

Politics of British Conservatism

1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon D. Epstein
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Electoral Defeat

A rough measure of the resilience of the British Conservative party is indicated by the relatively rapid comeback from the electoral defeat of 1945. Instead of a twenty years' exile, like that of American Republicans, the Conservatives were out of office only six years. To be sure, their return to power was by a very slim parliamentary majority, representing less than half the popular vote cast in the General Election of 1951. And the ups and downs of the Conservative Goverment's popularity, as reflected in by-elections during 1952 and 1953, have shown little more than a capacity to hold the existing narrow margin. For many it must still seem difficult, as it did for Professor Herman Finer in the late 1940's, “to conceive a policy which, within some decades even, might win back for the Conservatives enough votes to support a solid government.” Naturally the Conservatives themselves have hardly accepted the fate of serving only an occasional interregnum between periods of Labour rule. Almost entirely without the spectacular issues which have characterized recent electoral successes of American Republicans, the British Right has sought to refute the assumption that it is incapable of presenting a sufficiently attractive political alternative to socialism.

The Megalomania of a Political Party: The FDP Loses before the Federal Constitutional Court and then Loses the Election

2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Anne Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Christian Democratic Union ◽  
Coalition Partner ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Christian Social Union

During Germany's recent general elections the Freien Demokratischen Partei (Free Democratic Party – FDP) sought to position itself as the focal point of the heated political race between the Christian Democratic Union / Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), led by Bavarian Governor Edmund Stoiber, and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), led by incumbent Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. By staking out the ideological middle ground and employing a well-packaged campaign, the FDP hoped to assure itself the role of coalition partner in any government formed after the September 22nd general election. The FDP, in a first for one of the smaller political parties, ran its photogenic Chairman, Guido Westerwelle, as an independent candidate for Chancellor. The party also set for itself the goal of obtaining 18% of the popular vote (a target nearly triple its performance in the 1998 general election), making “18/2002” the party's campaign slogan. Had the FDP succeeded in obtaining only 9% of the popular vote (half its goal), it would have indeed played the controlling role in post-election negotiations over a coalition government. As it turned out, however, the FDP stumbled through debilitating controversy up to the last minute of the election and ended with a mere 7.4 percent of the vote. Incumbent Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder was able to turn to the Green Party (which charged to a surprising 8.6% of the vote), his coalition partner of the last four years, to break his party's deadlock with the CDU/CSU and remain in power.

Malaysia in 2013

Asian Survey ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Case
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
General Election ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
National Front ◽  
The Government

The most important event to take place in Malaysia during 2013 was its general election. The incumbent National Front government was returned to power, though with less than a majority of the popular vote. The government then rewarded Malay supporters with new affirmative action programs. It also repulsed an armed incursion into Sabah launched from the southern Philippines.

The Price of Conscience: The Electoral Correlates and Consequences of Free Votes and Rebellions in the British House of Commons, 1987–92

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Pattie ◽  
Edward Fieldhouse ◽  
R. J. Johnston
Keyword(s):  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
General Election ◽  
British Politics ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Discernible Effect ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Local Representative

Conventional accounts of British politics play down the electoral importance of MPs' actions in the House of Commons. Party, it is assumed, is the key feature in shaping voters' preferences: few voters are aware of how their local representative voted on a particular issue, and in any case most MPs vote along party lines. On occasion, however, MPs do vote against the party line. Where the issue involved commands considerable public interest, this may raise an individual MP's profile with his or her constituents, with consequent effects upon future electoral prospects. This article investigates the connection between MPs' votes on a series of free votes and rebellions during the 1987 Parliament and their share of the vote in the 1992 general election. Generally, Conservative MPs' actions in the Commons had no effect on their subsequent share of the popular vote. However where an issue was of marked public interest, such as capital punishment or the poll tax, how the MPs voted did exert a small but discernible effect on the support that they received in 1992.

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