Ethnic Minorities and Equal Treatment: The Impact of Gender, Equal Opportunities Policies and Trade Unions

2001 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 105-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Noon ◽  
Kim Hoque

The article examines whether ethnic minority employees report poorer treatment at work than white employees, and evaluates the impact of three key features — gender differences, formal equal opportunities policies and trade union recognition. The analysis reveals that ethnic minority men and women receive poorer treatment than their white counterparts. In addition, there is evidence to suggest that ethnic minority women receive poorer treatment than ethnic minority men. Equal opportunities policies are effective in ensuring equal treatment, but the presence of a recognised trade union is not. White men and women in unionised workplaces enjoy better treatment than their white counterparts in non-union workplaces, but the same is not true for ethnic minorities. By contrast, there is very little evidence of unequal treatment in non-union workplaces.

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-450
Author(s):  
Inger Marie Hagen ◽  
Ragnhild Steen Jensen

The Nordic countries have experienced major labour immigration since the EU enlargement round in 2004. Recruiting workers from ethnic minorities is a major challenge for all Nordic trade unions. Less attention has been directed towards the need also to integrate these members inside the unions, for example, by having them serve as trade union representatives at different levels in companies, as well as in the unions. A glance at the top positions in the Swedish, Danish and Norwegian trade unions reveals an almost all-white picture. There is considerable imbalance between the number of ethnic minority trade union members and the number of ethnic minority representatives. This article argues that looking into the concept of representation, and especially the features attributed to trade union representatives and how these features are perceived, enables us to investigate the mismatch between trade union density and trade union representatives among employees from different ethnic minorities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Strøby Jensen

Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.


Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-32
Author(s):  
Kurt Vandaele

This article explains the ebb and flow in Belgian trade union membership from 1946 to 1995 by replicating the econometric model by Bain and Elsheikhn in which changes in macro-economic variables are highly significant. Since the automatic indexation of wages and the extension of collective labour agreements invite free riding, the relevance of the change in inflation and real wage is quite striking. However, the free riding-effect is slowed down by the institutionalised presence of the trade unions on the work floor. The Ghent system explains the positive impact of the unemployment rate . The model is furthermore improved by the trade union density as a structural variable. The linear form reflects the enforcement effect, while the quadratic form mirrors the saturation effect on the trade union membership. Mainly due to the 'Allgemeinkoalitionsfähighkeit' of the Belgian government system, the impact of left parties on union growth and decline is not significant in a quantitative framework. With only four explanatory variables the model clarifies more than 75% of the fluctuations in Belgian trade union membership.


2001 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 76-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Forth ◽  
Neil Millward

The decline in trade union influence over the past two decades raises the question of whether pay levels in lower-skilled jobs now lie outside the unions' sphere of influence, as tacitly acknowledged by their acceptance and later endorsement of the principle of the statutory minimum wage. This article examines pay levels among lower-skilled jobs in the private sector in Britain using the Workplace Employee Relations Survey of 1998. It shows that trade unions still had a positive impact upon pay levels in lower-skilled jobs and identifies those forms of unionism associated with the largest premiums. However, the article also shows that the activities of trade unions did little to counteract the forces generating the lowest levels of pay.


Author(s):  
Johan Kruger ◽  
Clarence Itumeleng Tshoose

The advent of the new political dispensation in 1994 heralded the coming of a new labour dispensation. Labour relations and labour policies changed significantly from that which prevailed under the previous government. The review of the labour legislation framework was at that stage a priority for the new government, with specific focus on the review of the collective bargaining dispensation. The abuse of trade unions under the previous government gave rise to a unique entrenchment of labour rights in the Constitution. The drafters thereof were determined to avoid a repetition of this abuse after 1994. Section 23 of the Constitution goes to great lengths to protect, amongst others, the right to form and join a trade union, the right of every trade union to organise and the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining. In furtherance of section 23(5) of the Constitution, the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 was promulgated. One of the most significant changes of the LRA was that it now provided for legislated organisational rights. Commentators have often viewed the LRA as favouring larger unions and as conferring clear advantages on unions with majority support at the establishment or industry level.  It is within this context that this article examines the impact of section 18 of the LRA on the constitutionally entrenched right of every person to freedom of association, the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining, and the right of every trade union to organise. Furthermore, this article explores the justifiability of the impact of section 18 on minority trade unions in terms of international labour standards and the Constitution. In part one the article examines the concept of majoritarianism, pluralism and industrial unionism in the context of South African Labour market. Part two deals with the impact of section 18 of the LRA on minority Trade Unions. Whilst part three explores the concept of workplace democracy. Part five investigates the applicability of international labour standards in the context of the right to freedom of association. Part four ends up with conclusion and recommendations on the impact of section 18 of the LRA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Galyna Utkina ◽  
◽  
Tetiana Datsiuk ◽  

The authors note the existence of significant changes in the legal field of Ukraine on gender equality, awareness of the majority of the society of the importance of this issue for achieving equal opportunities and realization of women in the field of career and socio-political life. It is proved that the state pays more and more attention to specific mechanisms of gender transformation and takes into account international agreements signed and ratified by Ukraine. It is becaming a part of the world gender technologies. The state recognizes the main directions of gender democracy, restrictions which are based on the grounds of sex and aimed at the weakening, recognition, usage or exercising by women on the basis of equality between men and women, human rights and fundamental freedoms in political, economic, cultural, social or any other field of activity. The article concetrates on the imbalance between the awareness and the real state of gender issues in the labour market, wages and participation in politics. It is concluded that the most perfect laws and decisions of the Government will not be effective without overcoming the existing low level of gender culture in the society, creation of a sufficient information and consultation network in all regions of the country on implementation of equal opportunities of policy for men and women, introduction of equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men in public policy in the field of labor, social policy, economic policy in order to prevent occupational segregation, eliminate inequality in wages, stimulate the growth of women's entrepreneurship, as well as to assess women's work; cooperation and interaction of various public administration bodies in the implementation of the principle of equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men; balanced representation of women and men in the lists of candidates in elections and decision-making, improving the actual situation through the implementation of effective and concrete decisions and strategies.


2009 ◽  
pp. 125-152
Author(s):  
Diego Lanzi

- In this paper we propose a model of Gender Auditing (GA) inspired by Amartya Sen's capability approach. The methodological and normative assumptions and features of the model are outlined in order to list the relevant dimensions of human development. Then, the paper proposes indicators and a simple variation of the Gender Empowerment Measure to evaluate the impact of public policies on gender issues of equal opportunities between men and women.JEL D63, I31, J16Keywords: Economia di Genere, Politiche Pubbliche, Capacitŕ, Well-being


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document