The Global City Comes Home

Urban Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (12) ◽  
pp. 2495-2517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Keil

‘New urban politics’ in the 1980s coincided largely with a process of intense restructuring and globalisation. Mindful of the specific problems of transposition of American concepts to the European case, this paper revisits the Frankfurt urban regime. Based on interviews with decision-makers in 2008, the paper argues that today’s Frankfurt regime has turned its attention inward. The region, while still important for the structured coherence of the global city, has been depoliticised as problematic issues tend to be sectoralised and cast in technological terms. The global has lost its lustre as a self-explanatory concept for urban development and urban politics has regrouped as a set of functionalist specialty discourses such as that of the creative city. As city politics was re-localised, it also became largely devoid of traditional political conflict. Instead, questions of social justice and diversity were partly integrated into the formal and bureaucratic political process.

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-413
Author(s):  
Vladimir Kostic ◽  
Aleksandar Kostic ◽  
Milena Dinic-Brankovic

This paper considers modern city territories and analyzes neoliberal spatial city planning which is, among other things, mostly realized through gentrification. While explaining the modern transformation tendencies of cities the authors seek to find the link between the gentrification phenomenon and the rise of city inequality. In this context, marginality is not the result of economic underdevelopment but economic progress. The paper explores the reasons why contemporary urban politics leads to class segregation. The authors investigate a genetic connection of the capital and urbanization confirming Harvey?s paradigm that ?capitalism is forced to urbanize in order to renew itself?. Furthermore, the paper investigates the relationship between creative class-creative city and to what extent it is reality and to what ?a utopia for the chosen ones.?


1988 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-14
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Oakerson

Occasional references to the old radical teaching that “all politics is local” notwithstanding, American political scientists have by and large treated the study of local politics as a subject of much lesser importance than national politics. The standard introductory course in “American democracy” has a national focus—often it is exclusively national. Briefly, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the study of “urban politics” occupied a more prominent place in the discipline, but interest has waned. The priority concern in both teaching and research continues to be American national government and politics.This narrow focus leads to a distorted and truncated view of American democracy. Despite increased nationalization, state and local government has been and remains a basic element in the practice of American politics. The productivity and creativity of democracy in America are outcomes, not simply of a national political process, but of a complex system of governance in which local collective action provides much of the energy and initiative for addressing public problems. A vast amount of political activity in the United States is channeled through state and local institutions, where much of the work of public problem solving is done.


Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Pante

Quezon City was founded in 1939 as a planned city and envisioned as the future capital of the Philippines, which was anticipating its independence in a few years. Led by President Manuel Quezon, Philippine politicians conferred upon the city narratives of nationhood and social justice to make it the best spatial representation of a nation-in-waiting. However, underneath these state-centric ideologies was the authoritarianism of the Quezon regime, which used urban politics to centralise power. But far from being a symbol of the President's undisputed dominance, Quezon City's inherent contradictions became weak points in the city's official narrative.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Lauermann

This article reviews recent scholarship on the urban politics of mega-events. Mega-events have long been promoted as drivers of urban development, based on their potential to generate beneficial legacies for host cities. Yet the mega-event industry is increasingly struggling to find cities willing to host. Political arguments that promote mega-events to host cities include narratives about mega-event legacy—the potential for events to generate long-term benefits—and mega-event leveraging—the idea that cities can strategically link event planning to other policy agendas. In contrast, the apparent decline in interest among potential host cities stems from two political shifts: skepticism toward the promises made by boosters, and the emergence of new kinds of protest movements. The article analyzes an example of largely successful opposition to mega-events, and evaluates parallels between the politics of mega-events and those of other urban megaprojects.


2012 ◽  
Vol 538-541 ◽  
pp. 895-900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Han Chen Huang

A number of factors must be considered when selecting a convention site. Typically, most selections are based on the decision makers’ knowledge and experience, which may lead to biased decisions based on the decision makers’ subjective judgment. This study establishes decision-making evaluation factors and attributes for convention site selection based on a literature review. After surveying experts’ opinions using questionnaires, we employed the fuzzy analytic hierarchy process (FAHP) to analyze the weighting of the factors and attributes. The results show that of the five evaluation factors, site environment is the most important, followed by meeting and accommodation facilities, local support, extraconference opportunities, and costs. Additionally, the five most important attributes among the 20 evaluation attributes are the suitability of convention facilities, suitability and quality of local infrastructure, climate, city image, and political conflict or terrorist threats.


Author(s):  
Yizhen Wu ◽  
Mingyue Jiang ◽  
Zhijian Chang ◽  
Yuanqing Li ◽  
Kaifang Shi

Currently, whether the urban development in China satisfies Zipf’s law across different scales is still unclear. Thus, this study attempted to explore whether China’s urban development satisfies Zipf’s law across different scales from the National Polar-Orbiting Partnership’s Visible Infrared Imaging Radiometer Suite (NPP-VIIRS) nighttime light data. First, the NPP-VIIRS data were corrected. Then, based on the Zipf law model, the corrected NPP-VIIRS data were used to evaluate China’s urban development at multiple scales. The results showed that the corrected NPP-VIIRS data could effectively reflect the state of urban development in China. Additionally, the Zipf index (q) values, which could express the degree of urban development, decreased from 2012 to 2018 overall in all provinces, prefectures, and counties. Since the value of q was relatively close to 1 with an R2 value > 0.70, the development of the provinces and prefectures was close to the ideal Zipf’s law state. In all counties, q > 1 with an R2 value > 0.70, which showed that the primate county had a relatively stronger monopoly capacity. When the value of q < 1 with a continuous declination in the top 2000 counties, the top 250 prefectures, and the top 20 provinces in equilibrium, there was little difference in the scale of development at the multiscale level with an R2 > 0.90. The results enriched our understanding of urban development in terms of Zipf’s law and had valuable implications for relevant decision-makers and stakeholders.


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (7) ◽  
pp. 603-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenda Laws

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