Het publiek in de tribune : vormen van politieke informatie

Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx
Keyword(s):  
Social Problems ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Discriminating Power ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Rules Of The Game

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.

REFLECTION OF NETWORKIZATION OF IDENTITY IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS: THE EXAMPLE OF THE "YELLOW VESTS" MOVEMENT IN FRANCE

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 96-106
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Kaminchenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Case Method ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Geographically Dispersed ◽  
Political Events ◽  
New Type ◽  
Identification Processes ◽  
Protest Activity

The article covers the topic of the networked identity that is relevant in the context of the rapid informatization of society and politics. The author considers the display of network elements of political and identification processes during the specific political events taking place in France (the movement of "yellow vests"). The analysis shows at least 2 sustainable approaches to the study of networkization of modern political and identification processes. The first focuses on the emergence of a new type of identity (networked). The second emphasizes not the emergence of a new type of identity (networked), but rather the networkization of existing, established types of identities. The author chooses the case method as the main research method to fulfill the task set in the paper. The author chooses the case method as the main research method and identifies five attributes of the networked identity display during political events related to the movement of “yellow vests” in France: a variety of ideas (and identities) among the participants of the movement; a wide and changing (situational, related to fluctuations in the information agenda) set of requirements; structural de-hierarchization of the movement; the geographically dispersed locations of the protest activity and its longevity.

A Reassessment of Conventional Wisdom About the Informed Public: National Political Information in Ghana

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred M. Hayward
Keyword(s):  
Formal Education ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Political Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Major Interest ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Different Levels

This study examines the extent, impact and implications of political information in Ghana using survey data. A major interest is to identify and examine variables which influence level of information and to look at the consequences for the political process of different levels of political information. I examine conventional wisdom concerning the ignorance of the masses about national politics and call into question some common assumptions. Many of the differences usually assumed between developed and underdeveloped nations are found either not to exist or to be smaller than hypothesized. The data suggest that in some areas of national political information the masses in non-modernized societies are more politically aware than their counterparts in modernized societies. It is also suggested that there is no necessary link between education (literacy) and political information and that there are a number of functional equivalents to formal education. In the last section of the study several propositions about the informed citizenry are discussed.

Does Studying Politics Make a Difference? The Political Knowledge, Attitudes and Perceptions of School Students

1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Gordon Hands
Keyword(s):  
Primary Schools ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
School Students ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Media ◽  
General Studies ◽  
Perceptions Of School

There has been considerable debate in recent years about the effects of the teaching of Politics upon levels of ‘political literacy’ – the knowledge and understanding of the political process and political issues which enables people to perform their roles as citizens effectively. Almost everyone receives some form of political education. For most people, however, the process of political education is informal: political knowledge, as well as opinions and attitudes, is picked up from the family, friends and the media. Informal political education also takes place in schools. In primary schools, children acquire elementary information about the political system, parties, leaders and so on. In secondary schools, subjects such as History and Geography and courses in General Studies frequently involve topics that are relevant to politics.

Party Elites, Voters and Political Attitudes: Testing Three Explanations for Mass-Elite Differences

1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Mass Publics ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Political Differences

AbstractThe extent of differences in mass-elite political opinion and their theoretical implications have long been a source of interest to democratic theorists. Early classical democratic theorists saw education as the solution to mass-elite political differences, with an educated mass public displaying the same support for democratic institutions as their elite counterparts. By contrast, the later democratic elitists saw little that would reduce mass-elite differences. More recently, modern elite theorists have argued that elites are more polarized on political issues than mass publics, and that political conflict can be moderated by the ability of elites to downplay potentially divisive issues. Using Australia as a case study, these three approaches to mass-elite political differences are analyzed using a matched survey of voters and candidates conducted at the Australia 1987 federal election. The results show little support for education as a factor reducing mass-elite differences and point to the democratic elitists' argument that mass-elite political differences are fixed and enduring. In line with modern elite theories, the results also confirm the existence of more intense issue polarization among elites than among voters, and elites' ability to control the issues that reach the political agenda.

Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915

Modern Italy ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-162
Author(s):  
Axel Körner
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Administration ◽  
Central Administration ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Local Council

SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.

From the 10th Party Congress to the Premiership of Hua Kuo-Feng: The Significance of the Colour of the Cat

1976 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 457-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bryan Starr
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Future Trends ◽  
Unexpected Events ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Contemporary Chinese ◽  
Party Congress

The unexpected events in China during the spring of this year - the abrupt dismissal of Teng Hsiao-p'ing following his surprisingly rapid return to a position of power, and the accompanying demonstrations, apparently on his behalf, in the streets of Peking - necessitate at least an interim reassessment of political developments in the People's Republic over the course of the last several years. In the pages which follow I shall attempt to summarize domestic political events in China during the period August 1973 through April 1976, incorporating both those events which were made public at the time and those which have been revealed or subjected to re-interpretation subsequent to Teng's dismissal. During this summary and in the section which follows it, I shall review some of the interpretive and analytical literature. dealing with these political events, focusing this review particularly on the question of the appropriate ways to group participants in the political process in China for analytical purposes. In conclusion I shall attempt to explore the ways in which the material critical of Teng suggests that our interpretations of contemporary Chinese politics may need to be revised and our assessments of future trends may require alteration.

scholarly journals The Politics Of Information On Traditional Medical Practices In Bandung Barat

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-165
Author(s):  
Rully Khairul Anwar ◽  
Agus Rusmana ◽  
M. Taufiq Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Traditional Medicine ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Information Distribution ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Medical Practitioners ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Data Collection Technique

This study examines the politics of information within organizations or groups of traditional medical practitioners in West Bandung Regency of West Java Province. The political process of information here includes the activities of how the government implements information policies in relation to traditional medicine. The study also learned how traditional medicine groups respond to public policy on traditional medicine. The method used is qualitative with data collection technique through observation, interview, documentation, and literature study. The results show that there is local politics of information distribution activity in West Bandung society marked by the existence of the managers of traditional medicine, patients, the government with its regulations, and other politics of information distribution activities that led to the maintenance of science and traditional medical services. It is clear that the main reason for the politics of information to exist was economic.

scholarly journals From liberal globalisation to economic nationalism?

2019 ◽  
pp. 136-141
Author(s):  
David Lane
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Global Market ◽  
Global Order ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Economic Mechanism ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Social Polarisation

Сontemporary counter movements, universally dubbed as ‘populist’ differ in many respects, but they all agree on a number of significant political and economic issues. First, a condemnation of the economic polices shared until now by the major electoral parties. Second, a criticism that the economic mechanism and political process have led to social polarisation. Third, a contention that electoral democracy has delivered an oligarchic bloc of irresponsible elites who have utilised neo-liberalism to legitimate their own interests. Skepticism about the benefits of the global order is fueled by two political issues. First, the results of globalized markets do not solve many incompatibilities, and this leads to critical movements against the establishment. The second problem is that the economic mechanism must move from the coordination of the global market to public administration. If market coordination leads to booms and busts, enrichment and poverty, some form of administrative coordination is an acceptable alternative. Such political events are associated with economic nationalism. However, a globalized neoliberal economy has created many obstacles to deter governments from pursuing policies promoting economic nationalism. In addition, there are limits to the power of administration — political, constitutional and economic. Anyway, it can be assumed that if economic coordination could be carried out on the principles of planning and maximizing public welfare, many of these problems could be solved.

scholarly journals COMPARISON OF K-MEANS CLUSTERING METHOD AND K-MEDOIDS ON TWITTER DATA

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cahyani Oktarina ◽  
Khairil Anwar Notodiputro ◽  
Indahwati Indahwati
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Optimal Number ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Number Of Clusters ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Twitter Data ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Optimal Number Of Clusters

The presidential election is one of the political events that occur in Indonesia once in five years. Public satisfaction and dissatisfaction with political issues have led to an increase in the number of political opinion tweets. The purpose of this study is to examine the performance of the k-means and k-medoids method in the Twitter data and to tweet about the presidential election in 2019. The data used in this study are primary data taken from Muhyi's research, then mining the text against data obtained. Because this data has been processed by Muhyi to analyze the electability of the 2019 presidential candidate pairs, for this journal needs a preprocessing was carried out to analyze the tendency of tweets to side with the candidate pairs of one or two. The difference in the pre-processing of this research with previous research is that there is a cleaning of duplicate data and normalizing. The results of this study indicate that the optimal number of clusters resulting from the k-means method and the k-medoid method are different.

Public Reason and Illiberal Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 287-302
Author(s):  
Anna Śledzińska-Simon
Keyword(s):  
Majority Rule ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
State Action ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Illiberal democracy is characterized by four features: pretending to play the democratic rules of the game; instrumental use of the law to gain political advantage; location of the source of political legitimacy in majority rule; and recourse to religiously driven morality as a basis for state action. Paradoxically, in this regime, both legislators and constitutional adjudicators continue to use rational justification to legitimize public policies and court decisions, but the reasons they provide do not indicate an overlapping political consensus on a given matter. This contribution aims to demonstrate that in illiberal democracy public reason ceases to fulfil its two main functions: to discipline those who dominate the political process and to protect the autonomy of those who are prevailed upon. Hence, it argues, public reason in illiberal democracy has a new meaning: it denotes a hierarchy of values that prevail over individual rights and interests.

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