scholarly journals The legal status of the psychologist in the courtroom

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Perlin

In discussing the legal status of the psychologist in the courtroom, the more important but hidden issue of the social status of the psychologist must also be explored. Thus, although psychologists now routinely testify as expert witnesses on a whole range of issues in criminal and civil matters, a perception lingers in the minds of judges and jurors that the psychologist is a “second-rate” expert compared to the forensic psychiatrist. The roots of this assumption are examined, and it is suggested that psychologists themselves have helped perpetuate this myth. On the other hand, psychologists clearly do have special skills and techniques uniquely preparing them for certain courtroom work; in addition, participation in the judicial process enables psychologists to serve as advocates for social change. Psychologists must thus confront the background of the anticourtroom bias and educate all participants in the litigation process as to the need for appropriate psychological testimony.

Dharma Duta ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tardi Edung

Social change is bound to happen and this continues as long as there is life on this earth. Increasing the individual's social status in society occurs in accordance with the profession occupied, change and increase one's position is absolutely there. How is the social status of an individual seen from the teachings of boarding chess. The problematic of life is quite diverse and complex, requiring individuals to live governed by the rules, norms and rules that exist in that society and none of them may deny it. Caste is the profession of a person in society who forms themselves in groups, natural arrangements. Color / caste depicts the characteristic spirit which is synthesis in Hindu mind with belief towards collaboration from race and cooperation from culture, caste system is the result of tolerance and belief. On the other hand racial color / caste is the emphasis of definite differences in human groups that cannot possibly be erased or destroyed by social change. This teaching determines whether an individual is respectable or not in his position in a homogeneous and multicultural society based on values ​​and norms as a rule of life. Transition of individual social status is adjusted to the profession occupied in society, both based on knowledge, appreciation in the form of honor and power. Changes in the profession can occur because of science, maturation of a household, self-introspection and leaving all positions in this world to more complex stages. Boarding Chess gives direction to the position of individuals in society


Vox Patrum ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 361-373
Author(s):  
Maciej Kokoszko ◽  
Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska

The present article focuses on one of the Greek delicacies mentioned by Photius and Eustathius, i.e. a Lydian import called kandaulos/kandylos. The dish was developed before the mid. VI th c. BC and named after a Lydian king, Kandaules, who ruled in the VII th c. BC. The delicacy was (via the Ionians) borrowed by the Helens and established itself in Greece sometime in the V th c. It became popular in Hellenistic times. The information we possess allow us to reconstruct two varieties of kandaulos/ kandylos. The first was savoury and consisted of cooked meat, stock, Phrygian cheese, breadcrumbs and dill (or fennel). The other included milk, lard, cheese and honey. The dish is reported to have been costly, prestigious and indicating the social status of those who would eat it. Though there is much evidence suggesting its popularity in antiquity, we lack solid evidence proving that kaunaudlos/kandylos was eaten in Byzantine times. On the other hand, Byzantine authors preserved the most detailed literary data on the delicacy. If it had not been for the Byzantine interest, our competence in the field of Greek cuisine would be even faultier.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-193
Author(s):  
Syahruddin Mansyur

This study was conducted at three sites; Bukit Amaiha, Bukit Wawani, and Bukit Kapahaha. These sites had correlation in settlement, traditional defense and megalithic sites. The result shows that the dolmen is a product of megalithic culture found on traditional defense sites on the island of Ambon. The influence on megalithic culture on traditional defense sites caused by the strong megaliths concept in the early colonial period in Maluku. Megalithic concept in Bukit largest Amaiha related to people effort to maintain the social status of their leader. On the other hand, it also related to their effort to gain cosmological legitimacy between leaders and community at Bukit Wawani.Penelitian ini dilakukan di tiga situs yaitu; situs Bukit Amaiha, situs Bukit Wawani, dan situs Bukit Kapahaha. Ketiga situs inididuga memiliki korelasi antara situs pemukiman, situs pertahanan tradisional dan situs megalitik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa batu meja adalah produk budaya megalitik yang banyak ditemui di situs-situs pertahanan tradisional di wilayah Pulau Ambon dan sekitarnya. Pengaruh megalitik pada situs-situs pertahanan tradisional yang ada di wilayah ini adalahkarena masih kuatnya konsep megalitik pada masa kolonial awal di Maluku. Konsep megalitik di Situs Bukit Amaiha berkaitan dengan upaya untuk mempertahankan status sosial seorang pemimpin. Sementara itu, di situs Bukit Wawani berkaitan dengan upaya untuk memperoleh legitimasi kosmos antara pemimpin dan komunitasnya.


Human Affairs ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iris Mendel

Myth, Utopia, and Political ActionStarting from the premise that some form of "reality transcendence", i.e. the ability to imagine a different reality and reach out for the (un)thinkable, is necessary for political action, the aim of this paper is to analyse the concepts of myth and utopia elaborated by Georges Sorel and Karl Mannheim and to examine their possible contributions to a theory of political action and social change. By comparing the role the authors assign to rationality and irrationality in human affairs, methodological and conceptual differences between Sorel's and Mannheim's approaches to the political are illustrated. It turns out that due to its immunity to critique Sorel's concept of the social myth is highly problematic. Mannheim's concept of utopia, on the other hand, culminates in a technocratic understanding of the political. Though both approaches emphasise the collective dimension of political action, they ultimately exhibit elitist understandings of the political.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Fathurrahman Azhari

Abstract: The Dynamics of Social Change and Islamic Law are related each other in making a change. In the one hand,  social changeis caused by the Islamic law, but on the other hand, the change of Islamic law itself is causedby the social changes. The existence of Islamic law, which was brought  by Rasulullah Saw, had clearly changed the social community at that time;the changes started from jahiliyyah societyera that strongly held  their  tradition to the Islamic societyera that held Islamic law.By the same token, Islamic law had also made a change due to social changes. According to juries-prudency of Islamic law(regulations made by fukaha/Islamic cleric) that thechange of the fatwa (advice) was caused by the change of the periode, place, situation (niat) and tradition".  By doing the change of law, the Islamic law becomes dynamic, and adaptable and islamic lawswould be up to date in accordance with the current development and the social changes.الملخص: الدينا ميكية الاجتماعية والأحكام الشرعية مرتبطان في إيجاد التغير. من جهة كان التغير الاجتماعي بسبب وجود الأحكام الشرعية. ومن جهة اخرى تغيّر الحكم الشرعي بسبب التغيّر الاجتماعى . وجود الشريعة الاسلامية التي أتى بها الرسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم غيّرت - بوضوح - المجتمعات فى ذلك الوقت من مجتمعات جاهلية متمسكة بالعادات إلى مجتمعات إسلامية متمسكة بالشريعة الاسلامية. ولكن الأحكام الشرعية أيضا تتغير بسبب التغير الاجتماعي الموافق بالقاعدة الفقهية التي وضعها الفقهاء " تغير الفتوى بتغير الزمان والمكان والاحوال والعادة " فبتغير الاحكام  تكون الأحكام الشرعية مرنة، عطوفة، لينة، قابلة للمواجهة ، اذن كانت الأحكام الشرعية قابلة للتجديد ومناسبة بتطور الزمان والتغير الاجتماعي. Abstrak: Dinamika sosial dan hukum Islam saling memiliki keterkaitan dalam melakukan perubahan. Satu sisi perubahan sosial karena hukum Islam. Di sisi lain, perubahan hukum Islam karena  perubahan sosial. Keberadaan hukum Islam yang dibawa oleh Rasulullah Saw. dengan jelas merubah sosial masyarakat pada waktu itu dari masyarakat jahiliyyah yang berpegang kepada adat kebiasaan mereka menjadi masyarakat Islam yang berpegang kepada hukum Islam. Tetapi hukum Islam juga melakukan perubahan karena terjadinya perubahan sosial. Sesuai dengan kaidah fikih yang dibuat oleh fuqaha: “berubahnya fatwa dengan sebab berubahnya masa, tempat, keadaan (niat) dan adat kebiasaan.” Dengan melakukan perubahan hukum, maka hukum Islam itu dinamis, dan mampu beradaptasi, sehingga hukum Islam itu op tu date sesuai dengan perkembangan zaman dan perubahan sosial.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-431
Author(s):  
Irena Petrović ◽  
Marija Radoman

AbstractThe authors analyze the changes in value patterns—patriarchy, authoritarianism and nationalism—in Serbia in the context of the social changes that have marked the postsocialist transformation period. They focus on the extent and intensity of two sub-patterns within each of these three basic value patterns: private and public patriarchy, general and specific authoritarianism, organic (natural) and ethnic nationalism. The conclusions about changes in these value patterns are drawn on the basis of three empirical studies conducted in 2003, 2012, and 2018. They show the prevalence of private patriarchy, general authoritarianism, and organic (natural) nationalism over their counterparts. Private patriarchy has weakened, which is largely to be explained by the significant structural changes in Serbia. On the other hand, support of general authoritarianism and organic (natural) nationalism has been on the rise, which clearly mirrors the unfavorable economic and political situation in the country.


1972 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 6-14

Horace was writing hisEpodes1at the same time as he was writingSatires. The nameEpodesis derived from the metrical term ό ἐπῳδός (і.е. στίχος) which signifies the second and shorter line of a couplet, but Horace himself referred to them asiambi(soEpod. 14. 7,Epist. i. 19. 23). The collection is titledLiber Epodonin the MSS. and the title was used by grammarians of the fourth and fifth centuries. Butiambigives a better idea of their basic inspiration. Horace says of them(Epist. i. 19. 21-5):So he claims(a)originality,(b)Archilochus as a model,(c)that he was the first Roman to use Archilochus as a model, and(d)that he discarded the vicious personal invective of Archilochus. The judgement disregards Catullus, who had writteniambibefore Horace, but whose similarity to Archilochus did not extend far beyond metre and invective. There is a consistency in Horace’s poetic career: he began by recreating the poetry of Archilochus in hisEpodes, and his later—and greatest— work was the recreation in hisOdesof the lyric poetry of poets like Sappho, Alcaeus, and Pindar. There is a similarly close relationship between theSatiresand theEpistles;and, furthermore, all of his writing uses an autobiographical technique. There is another sort of consistency too, for basicallyEpodesandSatiresexpress a similar attitude of mind: anger, contempt, and amusement are the fundamental emotions (though he often transcends these emotions in both works), and a plausible case can be made out for regarding this as a sign of a young man of low social status, unsure of himself and his talent, and already finding ways of expressing a personality that were not too self-revealing. TheOdesandEpistles, on the other hand, express a more meditative, more philosophical, more humane attitude, yet ultimately no more self-revealing.


Virittäjä ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 125 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ildikó Vecsernyés

Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan, kuinka Suomen ja Unkarin pääministereitä puhutellaan Facebookissa. Tutkimuksen kohteena on se, mitä puhuttelukeinoja kommentoijat käyttävät kahdessa eri tarkoituksessa: toisaalta sympatian tai samaa mieltä olemisen, toisaalta erimielisyyden tai kritiikin ilmaisemisessa. Kahden sukukielen, suomen ja unkarin, puhuttelukeinot ovat samankaltaisia, mutta niiden käytössä on huomattavia eroja esimerkiksi sinuttelun ja teitittelyn yleisyydessä. Aineistona on viiteen Suomen pääministeri Juha Sipilän ja yhdeksään Unkarin pääministeri Viktor Orbánin vuosina 2015–2017 kirjoittamaan Facebook-päivitykseen tulleita kommentteja. Tarkastelun kohteena on 189 suomenkielistä ja 191 unkarinkielistä puhuttelumuotoa sisältävää kommenttia. Kommentit on jaettu myötäileviin ja vastustaviin ja näitä kahta kommenttityyppiä tarkastellaan kvantitatiivisesti ja kvalitatiivisesti pyrkimyksenä selvittää, mitä eroja puhuttelumuodon valinnassa ilmenee. Tutkimuksen teoreettis-metodisena taustana on aiempi sosiopragmaattinen puhuttelututkimus. Tutkimus osoittaa, että suomessa sinuttelu on hyvin yleistä riippumatta kommentin laadusta, mutta unkarissa sinuttelu on tavallisesti erimielisyyden osoittamisen keino. Tyypillinen kannustavan kommentin kirjoittaja käyttää suomessa sinuttelua ja pääministerin etunimeä, unkarissa teitittelyä, ön-teitittelypronominia ja pääministerin titteliä. Unkarin kielessä puhuteltavan yhteiskunnallinen asema vaikuttaakin puhuttelumuodon valintaan vahvemmin kuin suomessa. Toissijaisena strategiana unkarissa esiintyy jonkin verran myös uudenlaista kunnioittavaa sinuttelua yhdistettynä pääministerin etunimen käyttöön. Suomenkielisen aineiston vastustavissa kommenteissa esiintyy vielä todennäköisemmin sinuttelua kuin myötäilevissä kommenteissa sekä sinä-pronominia ja pääministerin sukunimeä, unkarinkielisessä aineistossa puolestaan sinuttelua, te ’sinä’ -pronominia ja pääministerin etu- tai sukunimeä tai nimenmuunnoksia. Toissijaisena strategiana joissain unkarin vastustavissa kommenteissa hyödynnetään ylikohteliaisuutta ja intentionaalista inkoherenssia. Aineiston perusteella näyttää siltä, että Facebook-kommenteissa käytetään suomessa etupäässä sinuttelua samoin kuin muissakin internetkeskusteluissa; kommentoijien mielipiteen ilmaisemisessa nominaalisilla puhuttelumuodoilla on tärkeä rooli. Unkarissa taas internetin yleisestä sinuttelupainotteisuudesta huolimatta tärkeimpänä keinona on sinuttelun ja teitittelyn vastakkainasettelu.   How to address a Prime Minister? Forms of address in comments to posts from the Prime Ministers of Finland and Hungary This article examines how the Prime Ministers of Finland and Hungary are addressed on Facebook. The aim of the study is to investigate which forms of address are used by commentators expressing, on the one hand, sympathy or consent, and on the other, disagreement or criticism. The repertoires of address forms of these two related languages, Finnish and Hungarian, bear many similarities, but the frequency and status of these forms are different. The data consists of comments on five posts written by Prime Minister of Finland Juha Sipilä and on nine posts written by Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orbán between 2015–2017, comprising a total of 189 comments in Finnish and 191 comments in Hungarian, all containing forms of address. The comments have been divided into two types: comments showing sympathy and comments showing disagreement or criticism. These two comment types have been analysed quantitatively and qualitatively aiming to determine how the address practices employed differ from each other. The theoretical background of this study is based upon previously conducted socio­pragmatic address research. The article shows that the use of T forms  is very common in Finnish, regardless of the type of comment, but that in Hungarian, T forms are typically used as a linguistic tool to express disagreement. In Finnish, a typical commentator showing sympathy will use T forms and address the Prime Minister by his first name, whereas in Hungarian V forms, the V form pronoun ön, and the title ‘Prime Minister’ are favoured. The social status of the addressee has a stronger effect on the choice of address forms in Hungarian than it does in Finnish. However, some Hungarian comments include a new, respectful type of T form used with the first name of the Prime Minister. In comments expressing disagreement in the Finnish data, writers favour T forms, especially T form pronouns, and the use of the Prime Minister’s surname, whereas in the Hungarian data T forms, the T form pronoun te ‘you’ and the use of the Prime Minister’s first name, surname or nicknames are the most typical address practices. In conclusion, commentators in the Finnish data seem to use mostly T forms on Facebook, thus imitating address practices common in other online conversations. Instead of the T/V opposition, nominal forms of address play an important role in expressing the commentators’ attitude. In the Hungarian data, despite the prevalence of the T forms in online chats, the most important resource in expressing relation to the Prime Minister seems to be the contrast between the T and V forms, reflecting their significant status in Hungarian.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-292
Author(s):  
Christian Krijnen

AbstractContemporary philosophy of recognition represents probably the most prominent direction that presently claims to introduce an updated version of classical German idealism into ongoing debates, including the debate on the nature of sociality. In particular, studies of Axel Honneth offer triggering contributions in Frankfurt School fashion while at the same time rejuvenating Hegel’s philosophy in terms of a philosophy of recognition. According to Honneth, this attempt at a rejuvenation also involves substantial modification of Hegelian doctrines. It is shown that Honneth underestimates the implications of Hegel’s thoughts about the theme, method and systematic form of philosophy. As a consequence, Honneth’s social philosophy is, on the one hand, in need of a plausible foundation. This leads, on the other hand, to a different construction of the social within philosophy than Honneth offers.


Author(s):  
Brian E Cox

This article follows an earlier assessment of Bentham’s views on guardianship 1 that touched on but did not explore connections or departures between guardian-ward and parent-offspring relations, about which Bentham was not as precise as he might have been. Further, he added complexity to the issue by describing parents as occupying dual roles: guardians and ‘masters’ (employers) of their own offspring. These relations are now considered, on the one hand, in the wider context of ‘special relations’ and ‘duties’ and, on the other hand, alongside some appreciation of Bentham’s personal perspectives. However, the main object of the present article is to assess similarities and differences between parents and guardians in legal, status and functional terms. It uses the profile of guardian-ward relations provided by the previous article 2 as a benchmark. The article concludes by affirming that ‘being a parent’ and ‘being a guardian’ have quite different meanings.


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