scholarly journals Friends in High Places

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-479
Author(s):  
Dunya van Troost ◽  
Bert Klandermans ◽  
Jacquelien van Stekelenburg

Scholars working from the political opportunity approach have upheld the notion that the political context sets the grievances around which activist mobilizes. Inspired by Tarrow and colleagues plea to explain political activism by analyzing how activists are mobilized, this article focuses on the individual protester. The research question in this article reads how are activist’s protest emotions shaped by characteristics of the political context, specifically by their political alliances? We focus on the emotional constellation evoked by environmental issues (e.g., climate change and nuclear energy) with Green Parties as movement allies and anti-austerity issues with Social Democratic parties as movement allies. Specifically, the parliamentary position of these allies is linked to the relative stake anger and frustration have within the emotional constellation of demonstrators. Results are based on survey data collected among 6,598 demonstrators, and their emotions dispersed over 28 demonstrations in seven European countries. We conclude that having a politically well-connected friend seems to matter more to demonstrators’ emotional constellation than the ideological support provided by that friend.

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-126
Author(s):  
Julia Round

This chapter considers some of the possible influences on Misty, drawing links with other comics as well as a wider tradition of horror across multiple media in 1970s Britain. It explores the surrounding atmosphere of cultural horror, looking closely at the political context of 1970s Britain, which manifests in the presence of social commentary in Misty. It explores the large number of tales that revolve around animal rights, environmental issues, or social commentary (delinquency, poverty, and so forth). It then considers the surrounding atmosphere of British cultural and literary horror, with a particular focus on the horror and mystery stories being offered to children and shown on television and in schools. It argues that Misty’s stories are strongly influenced by the atmosphere of cultural horror emerging in Britain in the 1970s and particularly by ideas of transgression and punishment expressed in horror cinema and public information films.


2004 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 173-175
Author(s):  
Reiner Tosstorff

This is a very useful bibliographical tool produced by the efforts of the International Association of Labour History Institutions (IALHI). This association comprises more than one hundred archives, libraries and research centers all over the world, though the vast majority are located in Europe, and not all of them have the same importance, reflecting the geographical and political unevenness of socialism's history. This particular volume aims to list all the publications of the social-democratic internationals after 1914, i.e. from the time of the political split due to the support for World War I by most social-democratic parties. This means that the left-wing, beginning with the Kienthal-Zimmerwald movement during the war and leading to the “Communist International” from 1919 on, is not represented here. But also left-wing splits from social democracy in later years, as in the 1930s with the “London Bureau” of left-wing socialist parties (and also the Bureau's predecessors) are excluded here, as they openly campaigned against social democracy. Also, a few international workers' institutions (mainly in the cultural field) that had been founded before 1914, but tried to maintain their independence after 1914 faced with the political split, are therefore not listed as well.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chan Tsu Chong

The 14th general election (GE14) in Malaysia saw a democratic breakthrough as the Barisan Nasional's uninterrupted rule since independence finally came to an end. This article seeks to analyse the role and impact of the Bersih movement in GE14 by examining the political context of GE14 via three key political opportunities: the 1MDB scandal; electoral fraud and manipulation; and the re-delineation of electoral boundaries. Bersih's core campaigns, actions, and strategies in response to these political opportunities will be analysed based on information and insights generated from the author's involvement as a member of Bersih's secretariat. The political opportunity resulting from the 1MDB scandal gave room for civil society and the opposition to go on the offensive; Bersih took the lead and continued the tradition of coalition-building between civil society and opposition forces, and brought focus to cross-ethnic issues. At the same time, Bersih held firm in its agenda for electoral reform by continuing to consistently monitor and mobilise against electoral fraud and manipulation leading up to GE14. Via the re-delineation exercise, it mobilised and coordinated resistance by increasing civic participation in the constitutional process and created new areas of contestation via the judiciary. In parallel, Bersih's efforts and strategies towards these political opportunities had created conditions that contributed towards Pakatan Harapan's victory in GE14.


1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Roll-Hansen

Two questions will receive special attention in this account, namely the political location of eugenics and the role of genetic science in its development. I will show that moderate eugenic policies had broad political support. For instance, the Scandinavian sterilization laws which were introduced in the 1930s were supported by the Social Democratic Parties, who were partly in position of government. I will argue that the effect of genetic research was to make eugenics more moderate, mainly because the fears and hopes were shown to be exaggerated. Degeneration was much slower than feared at first, if it took place at all, and the expectation of rapid and large effects of eugenic policies on the gene pool likewise proved to be quite unrealistic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 50-56
Author(s):  
Noga Keini ◽  
Eyal Klonover

The article attempts to understand the affliction known as insidious trauma and its link to social and political situations. The medical establishment finds itself hard pressed to provide an adequate response to traumas of social and political origin, rooted in oppressive regimes or environments. To the best of our knowledge the psycho-political model of recovery should take into account active resistance on the part of the individual suffering from insidious trauma. Subjectivity that is exposed to insidious trauma, but is not at the same time exposed to representations of resistance, remains external to the discourse. By assigning a name, a language and a voice to insidious trauma, the discourse is shifted from intrapsychic psychopathology to social psychopathology, thereby imparting to it both a social and a political context.


2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID RUEDA

In much of the political economy literature, social democratic governments are assumed to defend the interests of labor. The main thrust of this article is that labor is divided into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). I argue that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit insiders while ignoring the interests of outsiders. I analyze Eurobarometer data and annual macrodata from 16 OECD countries from 1973 to 1995. I explore the question of whether strategies prevalent in the golden age of social democracy have been neglected and Left parties have abandoned the goal of providing equality and security to the most vulnerable sectors of the labor market. By combining research on political economy, institutions, and political behavior, my analysis demonstrates that insider–outsider politics are fundamental to a fuller explanation of government partisanship, policy-making, and social democracy since the 1970s.


Author(s):  
James Retallack

Focusing on 1866 and the Austro-Prussian War fought that year, this chapter examines the political ramification of Saxony’s defeat at the hands of Prussia, which fundamentally changed its international standing and domestic politics. The chapter begins by outlining socio-economic change in the mid-nineteenth century and Saxony’s constitutional system. A second section examines the birth of Conservative, left-liberal, National Liberal, and Social Democratic parties in Saxony under an oppressive Prussian occupation. The chapter next examines Bismarck’s fateful decision to introduce universal manhood suffrage for Reichstag elections. Final remarks identify the suffrage as a key issue in Saxon political discourse—one that remained contentious from 1866 until 1918.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Pilati

This article analyzes levels of protest mobilization in eighteen African countries—by far the region least studied by researchers of protest dynamics. Theoretically, its goal is to integrate the role of organizational engagement into political opportunity approaches to protest mobilization. Empirically, it uses African data to test whether Western-driven theories provide useful insights for analyzing protest dynamics in developing countries. The analysis yields three major findings: (1) the more open and democratic the political context, the more individuals mobilize, although the impact of the political opportunity structure in repressive contexts is less certain; (2) the more individuals are engaged in organizations, excluding religious organizations, the more they mobilize; (3) the impact of individual organizational engagement on the probability of mobilizing in protests does not change across contexts.


Problemos ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 34-43
Author(s):  
Audronė Žukauskaitė

Straipsnyje analizuojama Gilles’io Deleuze’o ir Felixo Guattari kuriama mikropolitikos samprata, kuri priešpriešinama makropolitikai, veikiančiai pripažintų politinių teorijų ir apibrėžtų tapatybių lygmenyje. Mikropolitikos projektas siejamas su tapsmo mažuma, mažosios literatūros, mažosios politikos sampratomis, kurios nukreiptos ne į tapatybės kūrimą, bet į tapsmo procesą, inovaciją, eksperimentą. Deleuze’as ir Guattari teigia, jog tapsmas mažuma yra universalus procesas, kurio tikslas – kiekvieno individo autonomija. Deleuze‘o ir Guattari universalaus tapsmo koncepcija priešpriešinama Alaino Badiou kuriamai karingojo universalizmo sampratai. Badiou postuluojamas universalizmas iš pirmo žvilgsnio yra panašus į Deleuze’o ir Guattari siūlomos tapsmo teorijos universalumą, tačiau abiejų teorijų turinys radikaliai skiriasi. Deleuze’ui ir Guattari pats tapsmas mažuma yra universalus procesas; Badiou, priešingai, mažumas ir skirtumus pasitelkia tam, kad juos redukuotų į lygybę ir vienodumą. Badiou siekia panaikinti skirtumus dėl universalizmo, kuris pasiekiamas per tiesos įvykį, bendrą visiems ir kiekvienam.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: mikropolitika, mažoji literatūra, tapsmas mažuma, paskirybė, universalizmas.Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s Micropolitics in the Context of Contemporary PhilosophyAudronė Žukauskaitė   SummaryThe article discusses Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of micropolitics in relation with the notions of minor literature and becoming-minoritarian. The concept of minor literature appears in Deleuze and Guattari’s Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature and is defined by three characteristics: 1) the deterritorialization of language; 2) the connection of the individual to a political immediacy; 3) the collective assemblage of enunciation. The notion of minor literature is closely related with the notion of becoming-minoritarian developed in A Thousand Plateaus. Deleuze and Guattari claim that becoming-minoritarian is the universal figure of consciousness. In this sense, any kind of becoming is a revolutionary act, because it changes the political constellation of power and enables the repressed to reach an autonomous condition. The concept of becoming-minoritarian is introduced to the contemporary political context through the notion of minor politics, discussed by Nicholas Thoburn. Minor politics is seen not as a fetishization of marginal identity but rather as a possibility to legitimize the existence of those who lack any social identity. In this sense, the notions of becoming-minoritarian and minor politics are contrasted with Alain Badiou’s claim to universality: the question is raised as to whether becoming-minoritarian should necessarily end in autonomy, as Deleuze and Guattari argue, or, by contrast, whether it should seek to universalize the minor and in this way raise the claim for universal justice.Keywords: micropolitics, minor literature, becoming-minoritiarian, the particular, universalism.


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