scholarly journals Solidarity or Sanctuary? A Global Strategy for Migrant Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Amy Foerster
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Strategy ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Global Strategies

This article explores municipal challenges to nation-state-based immigration and migration policy, as exemplified in the sanctuary city movement in the United States, the solidarity city concept as it emerged in Canada, and the more recent Solidarity Cities initiative based in the European Union. By examining the divergent history and goals of these initiatives, the article also offers an overview of the conflicts and countermobilization that have erupted regarding urban-based sanctuary, refuge and solidarity policies and movements, and offers conclusions regarding how global strategies regarding sanctuary, migrant rights, and justice are being formed.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES IN THE PERIOD THE PRESIDENCY OF DONALD TRUMP (2017-2020)

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Andrei Martynov ◽  
Sergey Asaturov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Area

The European Union has met Donald Trump's presidency in a crisis, caused by Britain's exit, quarrels over migration policy and prospects for European integration. Trump has abandoned a project to create a transatlantic free trade area. He demanded a one-sided trade advantage for the United States. The rejection of the liberal project of multilateral foreign policy contributed to the deepening of contradictions between the EU and the US in the field of trade, environment, the regime of international disarmament treaties, the algorithm for resolving regional conflicts. The Trump era in US foreign policy was a time of abandoning liberal globalism. But it is impossible to realize this task in one cadence. The question is whether it is possible for Democrats to fully restore liberal globalism in equal cooperation with the European Union.Trump has abandoned the project of a transatlantic free trade area between the United States and the European Union. This shocked the European elites. Differences in approaches to world trade contributed to the coolness. The European Union is promoting a liberal approach. Trump insisted on the priority of the patronage of American interests. As a result, the tradition of relationships has suffered. Until 2017, the United States bought European goods and paid the most to the NATO budget. Trump demanded trade parity and more European funding for NATO. European elites perceived Trump's approach to migration issues as unacceptable. Trump's policy on international conflicts has become another reason for mutual misunderstanding. Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and helped establish diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This has become a challenge for the European Union's Middle East policy.

scholarly journals Euro-Atlantic Solidarity in the Aftermath of Trump

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-21
Author(s):  
Alexander Shumilin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
White House ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Global Strategies

The very phrase «Euro-Atlantic solidarity» primarily presupposes an appeal to the foreign policy activities of the states of North America (USA and Canada) and the European Union. A priori, it is aimed at coordinating national and global strategies designed to determine the relations of the countries of this community with the outside world. Most analysts agree that it was this solidarity that was the first and perhaps the biggest and most sensitive victim of the Donald Trump administration's policies. The author of the article believes that after the 45th president leaves the White House, transatlantic solidarity will receive a tangible impetus for its renewal. While maintaining its basic foundations in the form of liberal-democratic values, however, relations between the two shores of the Atlantic are likely to be restructured in a somewhat different paradigm than before. During the Trump presidency, both the United States and Western Europe have practically formed two visions of the correctness of the foundations of transatlantic solidarity. In some aspects, they coincide, while in others they may diverge.

An Exploration of the Meaning of Transnationalization of Democracy, using the Example of the European Union

2017 ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Jürgen Habermas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Society ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Systemic Level ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Transnational Democracy

Our era is marked by a growing mismatch between a world society that is becoming increasingly interdependent at the systemic level and a world of states that remains fragmented. To meet the resulting need for governance beyond the bounds of the nation-state, a number of international treaty regimes have arisen. But these regimes escape proper democratic control. These developments put the question of transnational democracy on the agenda. In this chapter, Habermas argues that a suitably reformed European Union offers us a model for a federal transnational democracy that, by contrast with the United States, does not acquire the character of a state.

Non-hierarchical policy coordination in multilevel systems

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Bolleyer ◽  
Tanja A. Börzel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Coordination ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Multilevel Systems ◽  
Absence Of Power ◽  
Policy Emulation

In theory, lower-level governments (provinces, regional governments, or member states) operating in multilevel systems within and beyond the nation-state can choose from a wide repertoire of modes of policy coordination to solve collective problems non-hierarchically. These modes range from unilateral policy emulation over informal intergovernmental agreements to binding interstate law. The modes that governments are willing and capable to use, however, vary considerably across multilevel systems which affects governments’ collective problem-solving capacity. This paper argues that the nature of executive–legislative relations in lower-level governments is crucial to account for this variation. The presence (or absence) of power sharing shapes the willingness of lower-level governments to enter agreements that greatly constrain individual government autonomy. Power-concentrating governments, as opposed to power-sharing ones, tend to avoid such agreements. The type of power sharing affects the capacity to enter agreements that require legislative approval. Compulsory power-sharing governments, as opposed to voluntary power-sharing governments, should find it difficult to enter such agreements, since this type of power sharing invites inter-branch divides. To substantiate these arguments, we apply them to Canada, Switzerland, the United States, and the European Union.

Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis

2019 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Zero Sum

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
French Foreign Policy

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article

Ocena antykryzysowej polityki gospodarczej Stanów Zjednoczonych i wybranych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w latach 2005–2014

2016 ◽  
pp. 26-46
Author(s):  
Marcin Jan Flotyński
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Financial Markets ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
High Volatility ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Domestic Products

The global financial crisis in 2007–2009 began a period of high volatility on the financial markets. Specifically, it caused an increased amplitude of fluctuations of the level of gross domestic products, the level of investment and consumption and exchange rates in particular countries. To address the adverse market circumstances, governments and central banks took actions in order to bolster the weakening global economy. The aim of this article is to present the anti-crisis actions in the United States and selected member states of the European Union, including Poland, and an assessment of their efficiency. The analysis conducted indicates that generally the actions taken in the United States in response to the crisis were faster and more adequate to the existing circumstances than in the European Union.

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