The Politics of Diversity: Integration in an Era of Political and Legal Uncertainty

2013 ◽  
Vol 115 (11) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Sarah Diem ◽  
Erica Frankenberg

Background The demographic landscape in the United States has shifted dramatically since Brown v. Board of Education, leading to more complex diversity in many school districts than the diversity contemplated nearly 60 years ago. Desegregation research has shown that countywide districts are better able to maintain diverse schools, have less White flight where enclaves do not exist, and maintain political support for high-quality, equitable schools in ways very different from the politics that exist in metropolitan areas in which city schools are separate from neighboring suburbs. While demographic diversity may provide an advantage in accomplishing integration (or allow for the possibility), as court oversight for desegregation fades, it is unclear whether the advantage of countywide districts will persist if this diversity results in more political opposition to pursuing voluntary integration. Purpose This article explores the diversity policies and politics of two countywide school districts in the South experiencing enclave growth at a time of legal and political ambiguity: Jefferson County Public Schools (JCPS) and the Wake County Public Schools System (WCPSS). Both districts’ voluntary desegregation efforts have been highly publicized as they are increasingly being affected by changing demographics and local politics. In this article, we seek to analyze how demographic change influences public support for and implementation of the districts’ diversity policies. We also examine how political debates around diversity have shifted in response to the changing legal context and enclave formation in both districts. Data Collection and Analysis Data collection in our two case study sites focuses on similar variables in each. As this article focuses on our initial investigation of the two school districts, laying the groundwork for our future empirical research, our analysis is primarily based on data collected from each school district's website describing the diversity policies, demographic data trends within the district and community, as well as information on school board representation. We also used publicly available data from local, state, and federal data sources, including the American Community Survey and the 2010 Census, media articles from local newspapers (The Courier-Journal in Louisville and The News & Observer in Raleigh), legal documents such as court filings, and policy documents from the district. Through the document analysis, at each site we examined: (1) activities by district or community leaders to promote policies aimed at maintaining diversity; (2) any legal action and/or response affecting diversity policies, particularly the development of new suburban enclaves; and (3) past, present, and projected effects of diversity policies. Conclusions Whether JCPS and WCPSS are able to achieve diversity in a time of political and legal uncertainty has yet to be determined. As demographics change, enclave schools and communities increase, politics and policymaking become more and more influenced by politically savvy parents, and the future of diversity plans remains uncertain. However, the case for and benefits of integration may be clearer than ever. The question that remains is, to what depths are school districts willing to go to establish and maintain diverse environments that are key to achieving equity of opportunity for all students.

Author(s):  
Elise C. Boddie

In 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 declared unconstitutional voluntary, race-based plans to integrate public schools in Jefferson County, Kentucky and Seattle, Washington. The decisionrested on a critical distinction in constitutional law between “de jure” segregation—resulting from purposeful discrimination by the government—and “de facto” racial imbalance derived from unintentional or “fortuitous” actions by state and private entities. The Court held that de facto school districts could not voluntarily assign students to schools according to their race for purposes of promoting integration. In a vigorous dissent, Justice Breyer argued the “futility” of the de jure–de facto distinction, contending that both districts should have been afforded the constitutional flexibility to pursue voluntary remedies that address racial imbalance in their schools. This chapter takes up Justice Breyer’s dissent to explore the complicated origins of school segregation outside the South and the federal cases that adjudicated its constitutionality. Its central contribution is to recover the often confusing legal narratives about segregation in the period after Brown and how federal courts struggled to discern the constitutional boundaries between de jure and de facto discrimination. The chapter briefly describes the constitutional turns that facilitated the Court’s decision in Parents Involved, including the advent of the intent requirement in equal protection and “colorblindness” doctrine, which treats any use of race as presumptively unconstitutional, regardless of its integrative purpose.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 304-312
Author(s):  
Alesha Wright ◽  
Joanne Chopak-Foss

Diabetes affects tens of thousands of school-aged children in the United States. The ability to appropriately manage their diabetes is essential to preventing life-threatening health complications if occurring during the school day. The purpose of this study was to assess school personnel’s knowledge of diabetes (types 1 and 2) and perceived self-competence in performing diabetes management skills. A non-probability sample of elementary school personnel ( N = 809) from five different school districts in Georgia completed a diabetes knowledge and competence questionnaire. Descriptive statistics, one-way analysis of variance, and principal component analysis were performed to analyze the data. School personnel reported limited knowledge of diabetes basics and an overall low perceived self-competence in performing many of the diabetic management skills. Despite state legislation enacted to assist children with diabetes in school and available training for school districts, the study found that school personnel are not well trained and lack confidence in performing diabetes management.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 356-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen H. Johnson ◽  
Erin D. Maughan ◽  
Martha Dewey Bergren ◽  
Linda C. Wolfe ◽  
Jessica Gerdes

Step Up & Be Counted! (Step Up!) is an innovative project to collect nationally standardized data from the daily documentation of school nurses throughout the United States. Step Up! provides the standardization needed to promote an “apples to apples” analysis of school health resources, interventions, and outcomes across the United States. While some states have collected data for decades and have an effective infrastructure in place, other states are new to data collection and are creating processes to support data collection. Designated State Data Champions have volunteered to collect aggregated de-identified data from school districts throughout their state. The following is a discussion of some of the data collection innovations shared by Designated State Data Champions at the 2017 NASN Annual Conference.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Steinberg

School districts throughout the United States are increasingly providing greater autonomy to local public (non-charter) school principals. In 2005–06, Chicago Public Schools initiated the Autonomous Management and Performance Schools program, granting academic, programmatic, and operational freedoms to select principals. This paper provides evidence on how school leaders used their new autonomy and its impact on school performance. Findings suggest that principals were more likely to exercise autonomy over the school budget and curricular/instructional strategies than over professional development and the school's calendar/schedule. Utilizing regression discontinuity methods, I find that receipt of greater autonomy had no statistically significant impact on a school's average math or reading achievement after two years of autonomy. I do find evidence that autonomy positively affected reading proficiency rates at the end of the second year of autonomy. These findings are particularly relevant for policy makers considering the provision of greater school-based autonomy in their local school districts.


2009 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-682
Author(s):  
Luis Ricardo Fraga ◽  
Roy Elis

Background/Context Researchers have found that school districts with greater representation of Latinos and African Americans on their school boards tend to also have higher percentages of Latino and African American administrators and teachers. This increased presence of coethnics in the educational bureaucracy was then found to predict more favorable educational outcomes for these students. Purpose We determine if these relationships hold for Latinos in California, which has the largest Latino population in the United States and where Latino students make up just under half of all students enrolled in public schools. Research Design Using an original data set of all California school districts in the 2004–2005 school year, we tested these relationships for Latinos in California using multiple regression. Conclusion Contrary to previous research, we found that Latino representation on California school boards was not greater in systems of single-member district election. We did, however, find that the greater presence of Latinos on school boards did increase the likelihood that Latinos would be hired as administrators, but only in Latino-majority districts. After appropriate controls, districts with more Latino administrators also tended to have more Latino teachers. Last, and again contrary to previous research, we found no systematic impact of having more Latino teachers and administrators on enhancing student outcomes for either all Latino students or for English language learners.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
June E. Gothberg ◽  
Gary Greene ◽  
Paula D. Kohler

Post-school outcomes are poor for youth with disabilities, in general, but even more discouraging for certain subpopulations of individuals with disabilities, particularly those from culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) backgrounds. The authors discuss structural inequalities in public schools which potentially contribute to the poorer transition outcomes of CLD youth with disabilities compared with their White peers with disabilities and identify 11 research-based practices (RBPs) for supporting CLD youth with disabilities and their families during the transition planning process. A study is subsequently described involving the development and implementation of a survey measuring the degree to which these 11 RBPs are being implemented in public school districts. The survey was administered during 2011 to 2016 to interdisciplinary transition teams representing more than 90 school districts in the United States who were attending state capacity-building transition services training institutes. Group consensus was sought on the 11 items appearing on the survey. Results from the study found that most school districts were not implementing any of the RBPs to any significant degree, school staff were in need of cultural competence professional development training, CLD families of transition-aged youth with disabilities lacked access to quality resources and supports, and CLD youth with disabilities lacked opportunities to strengthen their self-determination skills. Implications for practice and future research on this topic is presented and discussed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith P. Richards

Gerrymandering is known best as a tool to manipulate boundaries for voting districts, but school districts have long used the same tool to manipulate school boundaries. The author used geospatial techniques — mapping various kinds of demographic data onto school boundaries — to examine public school attendance zones and their effect on students. The author’s research yielded several key insights. Like congressional districts, school zones are highly gerrymandered; the gerrymandering of school zones serves to worsen the already severe racial segregation of public schools, but affirmative gerrymandering can effectively increase diversity and reduce racial segregation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 78 (7) ◽  
pp. 560-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Suiter ◽  
Jan Oakley ◽  
Justin Goodman

Although animal dissection is common in classrooms, growing concerns for animal welfare and advances in nonanimal teaching methods have prompted the creation of policies that allow students to choose humane alternatives to classroom animal use. We assessed the prevalence and content of policies that allow students to opt out of animal dissection in states and large public school districts across the United States – data that have not previously been collected or analyzed. We found that such policies exist at the state level in 22 states (plus the District of Columbia) and in many large public school districts in the other remaining states. These data illustrate that at least 63% of students in U.S. public schools have access to some kind of dissection choice, although the content of these policies varies widely. We discuss these results and recommend components of a comprehensive student dissection-choice policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Michael T. Hartney ◽  
Leslie K. Finger

The COVID-19 pandemic provides a unique opportunity to examine how local governments respond to a public health crisis amid high levels of partisan polarization. As an arena that has historically been relatively insulated from national partisan cleavages, public schools provide a useful window into understanding the growing nationalization of local politics. Leveraging the fact that all school districts had to adopt a reopening plan in fall 2020, we assess the factors that influenced school district reopening decisions. We find that mass partisanship and vested interests best explain the degree to which schools reopened. Republican (Democratic) districts were far more (less) likely to reopen in person, while districts with stronger unions relied more on remote learning. Notably, we find little connection between reopening decisions and indicators measuring the severity of the virus. Finally, public schools were sensitive to the threat of student exit. Districts located in counties with more Catholic schools were somewhat more likely to reopen in person. We assess the implications of these findings for U.S. education policy and the study of local government more generally.


2000 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-87
Author(s):  
Jonathan Klick

For the past three decades it has been evident that the quality of public schools in the United States has been on the decline. Whether measured empirically against the systems of other countries or judged anecdotally by employers who believe today's high school graduates do not have the skills requisite for even entry-level work, it becomes clear there is something wrong with the current public school system. The education establishment claims the problem is a lack of funding, while many tax payer groups claim more money is not the answer. This study uses data from each of Pennsylvania's 501 school districts to look at the relationship between funding and achievement while controlling for the economic background of each school's student population, as well as other organizational characteristics.


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