‘It just seemed like your normal domestic violence’: ethnic stereotypes in print media coverage of child abuse in New Zealand

2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 707-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Maydell

Child abuse in New Zealand is a matter of ongoing concern for the government, public officials, health practitioners and wider society, with most information on the issue coming from mass media, which have played an influential role in forming public opinion. This study investigates the coverage of serious child abuse between November 2007 and November 2009 in three largest New Zealand newspapers: The New Zealand Herald, The Dominion Post and The Press. The analysis of 205 articles shows that three-quarters of the data described severe physical abuse and/or death, and one-quarter described sexual abuse. More than half of all media pieces (56%) represented reporting of ‘crime stories’, such as police and court reports, in addition to statistical data, recommendations and critique (44%). Two cases of Nia Glassie and the Kahui twins’ deaths were sensationalised by the media and were described or mentioned in 63 articles altogether. The dominant construction of child abuse as a ‘Māori issue’ was achieved through individual framing, focused on the personalities of the perpetrators and their inferred innate characteristics, such as being prone to violence and dysfunctional by nature, which were further generalised to Māori society as a whole.

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2011 ◽  
Vol 139 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Jean Kenix

Two recent child abuse cases in New Zealand flooded the local media spotlight and captured the public's attention. In both cases, the mothers were not charged with murdering their children. Yet both mothers received extensive scrutiny in the media. This qualitative analysis found two central narratives in media content: that of the traitor and that of the hedonist. In drawing upon such archetypal mythologies surrounding motherhood, the media constructed these women as simplistic deviants who did not possess the qualities of a ‘real’ mother. These framing techniques served to divert scrutiny away from civil society and exonerated social institutions of any potential wrongdoing, while also reaffirming a persistent mythology that remains damaging to women.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Fanny Duckert ◽  
Kim Edgar Karlsen

Ten Norwegian TV-hosts, all nation-wide celebrities, were interviewed about their experiences with critical media exposure. How did they perceive their relationship with the press?  What were the main sources of stress? How did they cope? All expressed a strong focus on impression management and self-presentation. The majority described an independent and often playful interaction with the press, in order to keep control over their programs and their privacy.All had experienced negative media exposure. Sources of stress were one-sided presentations, evil informers, personal attacks, and harming their family. They experienced both direct effects by the media coverage, and indirect effects through interaction with other people.The majority used problem-focused coping strategies, actively influencing the media coverage; emotion-focused strategies, regulating their thoughts and feelings; and meaning-focused strategies, allowing reflection. Proactive self-presentation work helped maintain and protect their identities.Two of the participants reported using more defensive strategies, and had suffered more intensely.


Pomorstvo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Kundharu Saddhono ◽  
Ermanto

The concept of maritime (maritime) is frequently discussed among the Indonesian people, a fact that may be attributed to the emphasis that has been given to maritime issues by President Joko Widodo since his candidacy. This article applies Faircloughian approach to critical discourse analysis (CDA) to understand the coverage of ‘maritime’ in Indonesian online media. This paradigm has been selected because the media does not simply act as a neutral medium through its publication and coverage; rather, media have specific ideologies, which can be described and analyzed through critical discourse analysis. This approach focuses on three aspects when analyzing written discourses: representations, relations, and identities. Representation refers to specific words and grammatical structures to construct reality; relations refer to the connections between the subjects as depicted in the discourse; and identity refers to reporters’ positions in their coverage of online media, including their biases. In general, relations and identities in Indonesian online media coverage have been oriented towards the government and society. The government has been constructed ambiguously by online media, but depictions of government have tended to be positive, with a focus on the success of its maritime programs.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Cosgrove ◽  
Toni Bruce

In the face of growing scholarly concern about whiteness, and following Denzin’s (1996) argument that “those who control the media control a society’s discourses about itself” (p. 319), it becomes vital to interrogate and map what is at stake in specific representations of whiteness that gain purchase and mobilize the nation in shared ways. In death, America’s Cup sailor and adventurer Sir Peter Blake was held up as a New Zealand hero representative of a “true” national character. We argue that in the context of marked changes in the racial, political, and economic landscape of New Zealand, Blake’s unexpected death represented an important moment in the symbolic (re)production of historically dominant but increasingly contested notions of national character that are synonymous with white masculinity. We conclude that, as long as the centrality of whiteness is under threat, we are likely to see the ongoing rearticulation of nostalgic visions of nationalism.


Significance The government has locked the country down for four weeks and legislated to borrow up 52 million dollars (30.7 million US dollars), equivalent to 17% of GDP. The Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) is using several monetary policy tools to meet its inflation and employment targets, keep interest rates low and support financial market liquidity. Impacts Tourism, the largest export-earner, and high-earners logging and education, will suffer. Dairy, meat and horticultural exports will be shielded by continuing global demand, aided by a weak New Zealand dollar. The country heads into the COVID-19 crisis with low debt-to-GDP, but debt taken out now will take a future toll. Opposition and minor political parties will get reduced media coverage, while the September general election may be delayed.


Author(s):  
Hamdani M. Syam ◽  
Nur Anisah ◽  
Rahmat Saleh ◽  
Abdul Rani Usman ◽  
Dini Khairani

In addition to having the freedom to spread news to the public, the press also have the freedom to search and process news. In exercising that freedom, journalists always consider that news must be interesting so that people want to read it. The media coverage of sex, including stories on rape, sexual harassment, adultery, cheating, and sordid topics, is a news value that has a high rating for people. Sometimes in the economic interests of the media, journalists violate the norms and ethics of the news. This study is aimed to examine through content analysis the coverage of sex in the Harian Rakyat Aceh newspaper, which from January to April 26 featured 54 articles related to sex. This study examined this coverage in the context of Indonesia’s implementation of the journalistic code of ethics. Indonesian journalists are prohibited from mixing facts and opinions and from reporting sadistic and obscene news. Using the Holsti formula, inter-coder reliability resulted in a CR of 0.99, showing strong reliability. After data collection, coding sheets were analyzed using SPSS software to determine the results of each category. This study found that the news value of the 54 articles in the Harian Rakyat Aceh newspaper is considered to have violated the journalistic code of ethics. Thus, it can be assumed that there is an economic interest in the media’s reporting of sex in that newspaper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Sami Kolamo ◽  
Jani Vuolteenaho

Berliinin vuoden 1936 olympialaiset olivat aikansa massiivisin ja järjestelyiltään erityisen tarkasti harkittu propagandanäytös, jossa esiteltiin ”uutta uljasta Saksaa” urheilua seuraavalle kansainväliselle yleisölle. Yhtäaikaisena tavoitteena oli Saksan kansalaisten ”spirituaalinen mobilisaatio” natsihallinnon hegemonian lujittamiseksi. Analyysimme ytimessä on yhdistetyn propagandan käsite. Arnd Krüger viittaa käsitteellään samanaikaisesti valtion sisä- ja ulkopuolelle suuntautuvaan mediavälitteiseen kokemusten muokkaamiseen ja kielteisten mielikuvien häivyttämiseen myönteisten mielikuvien tieltä.Lähestymme mediateollisuutta ja sen roolia Berliinin olympialaisten kokemuksellisessa tuotannossa kolmesta toisiinsa limittyvästä näkökulmasta. Ensiksikin havainnoimme sitä, millä tavoin media- ja kaupunkitila linkittyivät yhteen olympialaisten organisoinnissa ja esillepanossa. Ennen olympialaisia kaupunkitiloja ehostettiin ja siivottiin rotuopin ja -sorron merkeistä. Propagandististen kaupunkitilojen tuottamiseen osallistettiin aktiivisesti myös paikallisia ihmisiä. Toiseksi kiinnitämme huomiota mediateknologioiden eli lehdistön, radion ja television rooliin megatapahtuman tarinallistamisessa ja intensiivisen kisatunnelman kohottamisessa. Goebbels kuvaili lehdistöä ”suureksi näppäimistöksi, jota hallitus voi soittaa”. Natsipropagandan viestintäteknologioista radio oli erityisen keskeisessä asemassa. Olympialaisten aikana kisojen pääväylän, olympiastadionille johtavan Via Triumphaliksen varrelle sijoitettiin kaiuttimia, joiden kautta olympialaisten tapahtumat levisivät lähiympäristöön ja kokosivat ihmisiä yhteisen kokemuksen äärelle.Kolmanneksi analysoimme Leni Riefenstahlin Olympia-elokuvan tuotantoprosessia, dramaturgisia ratkaisuja ja vastaanottoa. Elokuvassa, jota natsivaltio avokätisesti rahoitti, pyrkimyksenä oli ikuistaa täydelliseksi hiottuja otoksia urheilijoiden kehollisesta kauneudesta, liikkeen estetiikasta ja haltioituneista yleisömassoista. Päätelmissä summaamme mediavälitteistä kokemusten muokkaamista valtiopropagandan kulta-aikana, jolloin urheilusta ja sen megatapahtumista oli tullut koko kansan viihdettä. Berliinin olympialaiset rikkoivat katsojamääräennätyksiä niin tapahtumapaikoilla kuin radion ääressä, ja näin voimistivat natsien valta-asemaa etenkin Saksassa.Nazis advocating friendship between nations – The logics of propaganda in the 1936 Berlin OlympicsAimed at displaying the “brave new Germany” to the attending international sporting community and media audiences in the rest of the world, the 1936 Berlin Olympics constituted an unprecedentedly massive propaganda show, planned and organised with the greatest care. Domestically, a simultaneous goal was the “spiritual mobilisation” of the German people to consolidate the Nazi regime’s hegemony over them. In this article, we apply Arnd Krüger’s concept of concerted propaganda to denote the media-driven shaping of experiences and effacement of unfavourable associations to leverage positive images of the Nazi Germany at domestic and international scales.In particular, we inquire into the media industry’s roles in the production of experiences in the Berlin Olympics from three overlapping perspectives. First, we observe the ways in which cityscapes and mediascapes were entangled in the organising and staging of the 1936 Olympics. In the run-up to the Games, public spaces across Berlin were decorated and scrubbed of the signs of racist Nazi ideology and oppression. The intra-urban propaganda also included encouraging local people to actively participate in the production of a veneer of hospitality. Second, we pay heed to press-, radio- and television-associated technologies in the propagandist narrativization and atmospheric intensification that occurred around the Olympic mega-event. According to Joseph Goebbels, the press is “a great keyboard which the government can play.” Meanwhile, radio was a central instrument in the Nazi’s Olympic propaganda. Along Berlin’s major arterial road during the Olympics, the so-called Via Triumphalis, loudspeakers were perched on lampposts, ensuring that people outside the main venues were also kept abreast of and emotionally captivated by ongoing Olympic events.Third, we analyse the production process, dramaturgic choices, and reception of Leni Riefenstahl’s artistic propaganda documentary Olympia, premiered a year and a half after the Berlin Olympics. Generously sponsored by the Nazi state, Olympia sought to perpetuate perfected shots on the athletes’ bodily beauty, kinetic aesthetics and enthralled spectator masses. In conclusion, we discuss the characteristics of the media-driven production of experiences during the heyday of state propaganda, in a historic context in which sporting mega-events had achieved a status as widely popular entertainment. The Berlin Olympics broke previous spectator and radio-listener records, and strengthened the Nazis’ ideological sway over people in Germany, in particular.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Devere ◽  
Sharyn Graham Davies

The media uses the technique of framing to process and package information in order to make sense of the material and present a news ‘story’ which is accessible to the audience. International research reports demonstrate a consistent ‘gendered’ framing of media coverage. ‘Gendering’ refers to the highlighting of a person’s gender, when this is not particularly relevant to the context. Usually gendering involves seeing the male as the norm, and the female as the remarkable. In terms of the media and politics, this gendering includes the under-representation of women politicians, an emphasis on their appearance, marital and maternal status, and personality rather than the policies and issues of debate. More recently, however, there is evidence that in some contexts the media is becoming less overtly biased in its representation of women politicians. While there are still many ways in which women are presented differently from their male counterparts, there is also some evidence that an emphasis on gender is initiated by the party campaigns rather than being a result of media agenda-setting.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Williams

"One of the most fractious Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC, or the Commission) policy hearings on record has recently come to a close. This was no run-of-the-mill, watch-the-paint-dry policy hearing. Tempers and passions flared as two industry titans, over-the-air (OTA) broadcasters, such as CTV and Canwest Global, and broadcast distribution undertakings (BDUs) such as Shaw Communications, Bell Canada and Rogers Inc. fought the battle of their lives over an issue called fee-for-carriage (FFC). The media covered the issues day in and day out. Canadians bombarded the CRTC with dose to 200,000 comments and the Government of Canada forced the CRTC to hold an additional hearing just to address the impact the decision could have on the public. With extensive media coverage and uncharacteristically active public participation, could this public policy process be deemed 'democracy in action'? This paper will argue that this is not the case. Through a discourse analysis of the debate within two distinctly differentiated public spheres -- 1) the battling media campaigns and 2) the CRTC public hearings in November and December of 2009 -- this paper will show that the public's ability to define its own interest, using its own voice, is tarnished to such a severe degree that this policy process fails"--From Introduction (page 3).


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