Attachment security and narrative elaboration

2006 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 398-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allyssa McCabe ◽  
Carole Peterson ◽  
Dianne M. Connors

A key means of getting to know someone is through the sharing of personal experience narratives, an ability that shows considerable individual variation. Past research has documented a relationship between narration in conversations between children and their mothers and attachment security. However, children's narrative contributions are often embedded in an ongoing conversation which may be structured differently by mothers who also have assessed the extent to which their children use them as a secure base. In the present project, these two measurements were independent. Children's narration to an attentive, but non-scaffolding, stranger was investigated to see whether that, too, would correlate with security as assessed by mothers. Participants were 32 4-year-old children and their mothers. The security of children's attachment to their mother was assessed using the revised parent-reported 90-item Q-Sort and correlated with two measures of narration. One was simple length in words of the three longest narratives told to a friendly stranger, and the other was a composite formed from specific scored narrative variables. Both narrative measures were significantly correlated with attachment security, even after partialling out the effects of gender, age, and receptive vocabulary.These results suggest that securely-attached children have internalized the inclination to disclose themselves by means of relating narratives of some length and have begun to generalize this to adults outside their family.

2012 ◽  
Vol 110 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-262
Author(s):  
Hiromitsu Miyata ◽  
Kazuo Fujita

Four homing pigeons were trained to discriminate two figures simultaneously presented on an LCD screen. The figure was either a rectangle (A) or a square (B), and four combinations of the two figures, AA, AB, BA, BB, appeared in a pseudo-randomized order. The pigeons' task was to peck one of these figures based upon whether the two figures were identical or not. One pigeon successfully learned this discrimination, with proportions of correct responses above 90% in two consecutive sessions. Of the other birds, two performed above chance level but had difficulty meeting a learning criterion of above 80% in two consecutive sessions. All birds achieved this criterion when the combinations of figures presented were reduced to two. Results suggested that learning the present same-different discrimination is within the capacity of pigeons to a certain extent, although there exists considerable individual variation in the pigeons' skills to acquire complex discrimination.


1999 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Kyratzis

Recently, researchers have been interested in narrative as a conversational point-making activity. Some of the features of narrative (e.g., its "objectivity", Benveniste, 1971) render it ideally suited for self-exploration and positioning of the self with respect to societal institutions (Polanyi, 1989), especially in the context of conversations within friendship groups (Coates, 1996). While past research has often focused on self-constructing and political uses of narratives of personal experience, the present study examines such uses with respect to narratives produced during preschoolers' dramatic play in friendship groups. An ethnographic-sociolinguistic study that followed friendship groups in two preschool classrooms of a California university children's center was conducted. Children were videotaped in their two most representative friendship groups each academic quarter. Narrative was coded when children used explicit proposals of irrealis in one of three forms: the marked subjunctive (past tense irrealis marking in English, e.g., "they were hiding"); the paraphrastic subjunctive (unmarked irrealis proposals such as "and I'm shy"); and pretend directives such as "pretend" ("pretend we're Shy Wizards"). Also, instances of character speech were counted as narrative. Children used con-trastive forms (subjunctive, coherence markers vs. absence of subjunctive; pitch variation) to mark different phases within narrative. Collaborative self-construction was seen in the linguistic forms they used (pretend statements; tag questions; "and-elaborations") and in the identities the children constructed for their protagonists. Girls' protagonists suggested they valued qualities of lovingness, graciousness, and attractiveness. The protagonists the boys constructed suggested they valued physical power. Girls had a greater reliance on story for self-construction than boys did. It is notable that the dramatic play narratives produced during children's play in friendship groups serve some of the same functions in positioning participants with respect to one another and exploring possible selves collaboratively with one another that personal experience narratives serve in adult intimate social groups.


Author(s):  
Debbie Zimmerman

In this response to Michaela Chamberlain's article, I engage with some of the key aspects of her thinking in her exploration of the concept of the secure base and how the theory of its "provision" is tested by her lived experience of working with patients whose attachment-related trauma has compromised their capacity to experience her as a secure base. In particular, I explore the idea of the secure base as a two-person relational construct. I use an attachment lens to consider the complexities and challenges in facilitating attachment security when working with disorganised attachment. I explore the question of the need for an earlier "holding" phase as a precursor to the capacity to relate to a secure base and consider the expansion of the concept of the term secure base to incorporate this earlier "holding" dimension. I also question the possibility and desirability of "complete holding" in working towards attachment security, engaging with Winnicott's theories to explore the ideas of the transitional space of illusion and disillusion, of "good-enough", and of internalisation in the therapeutic process of building attachment security. Finally, I consider the parallel process of the therapist's development of their internal secure base.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Tzu-Hui Chen

This narrative aims to explore the meaning and lived experiences of marriage that a unique immigrant population—“foreign brides” in Taiwan—possesses. This convergence narrative illustrates the dynamics and complexity of mail-order marriage and women's perseverance in a cross-cultural context. The relationship between marriage, race, and migration is analyzed. This narrative is comprised of and intertwined by two story lines. One is the story of two “foreign brides” in Taiwan. The other is my story about my cross-cultural relationship. All the dialogues are generated by 25 interviews of “foreign brides” in Taiwan and my personal experience.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (s2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Irmtraud Kaiser ◽  
Andrea Ender

Abstract This paper explores intra-individual variation as a manifestation of language-internal multilingualism in the Central-Bavarian Austrian context. Based on speech data from children and adults in different contexts, we discuss different methods of measuring and analyzing inter-situational variation along the dialect and standard language spectrum. By contrasting measures of dialectality, on the one hand, and proportions of turns in dialect, standard language or intermediate/mixed forms on the other, we gain complementary insights not only into the individual dialect-standard repertoires but also into the consequences of different methodological choices. The results indicate that intra-individual variation is ubiquitous in adults and children and that individual repertoires need to be taken into account from the beginning of the language acquisition process. We suggest that while intra-individual variation can be attested through the use of various methods, the revealed level of granularity and the conclusions that can be drawn as to the individual repertoires on the dialect-standard spectrum largely depend on the measures used and their inherent assumptions and intrinsically necessary categorizations.


1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 240-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy A. Busch-Rossnagel ◽  
Maria P. Fracasso ◽  
Maribel Vargas

1908 ◽  
Vol 54 (227) ◽  
pp. 704-718
Author(s):  
Lady Henry Somerset

I fully appreciate the very great honour which has been done to me this afternoon in asking me to speak of the experience which I have had in nearly twenty years of work amongst those who are suffering from alcoholism. Of courseyou will forgive me if I speak in an altogether unscientific way. I can only say exactly the experiences I have met with, and as I now live, summer and winter, in their midst, I can give you at any rate the result of my personal experience among such people. Thirteen years ago, when we first started the colony which we have for inebriate women at Duxhurst, the Amendment to the present Inebriate Act was not in existence, that is to say, there was no means of dealing with such people other than by sending them to prison. The physical side of drunkenness was then almost entirely overlooked, and the whole question was dealt with more or less as a moral evil. When the Amendment to the Act was passed it was recognised, at any rate, that prison had proved to be a failure for these cases, and this was quite obvious, because such women were consigned for short sentences to prison, and then turnedback on the world, at the end of six weeks or a month, as the case might be, probably at the time when the craving for drink was at its height, and therefore when they had every opportunity for satisfying it outside the prison gate they did so at once. It is nowonder therefore that women were committed again and again, even to hundreds of times. When I first realised this two cases came distinctly and prominently under my notice. One was that of a woman whose name has become almost notorious in England, Miss Jane Cakebread. She had been committed to prison over 300 times. I felt certain when I first saw her in gaol that she was not in the ordinary sense an inebriate; she was an insane woman who became violent after she had given way to inebriety. She spent three months with us, and I do not think that I ever passed a more unpleasant three months in my life, because when she was sober she was as difficult to deal with-although not so violent-aswhen she was drunk. I tried to represent this to the authorities at the time, but I wassupposed to know very little on the subject, and was told that I was very certainly mistaken. I let her go for the reasons, firstly that we could not benefit her, and secondly that I wanted to prove my point. At the end of two days she was again committed to prison, and after being in prison with abstention from alcohol, which had rendered her more dangerous (hear, hear), she kicked one of the officials, and was accordingly committed to a lunatic asylum. Thus the point had been proved that a woman had been kept in prison over 300 times at the public expense during the last twenty years before being committed to a lunatic asylum. The other case, which proved to me the variations there arein the classifications of those who are dubbed “inebriates,” was a woman named Annie Adams, who was sent to me by the authorities at Holloway, and I was told she enjoyed thename of “The Terror of Holloway.” She had been over 200 times in prison, but directly she was sober a more tractable person could not be imagined. She was quite sane, but she was a true inebriate. She had spent her life in drifting in and out of prison, from prison to the street, and from the street to the prison, but when she was under the bestconditions I do not think I ever came across a more amiable woman. About that time the Amendment to the Inebriates Act was passed, and there were provisions made by which such women could be consigned to homes instead of being sent to prison. The London County Council had not then opened homes, and they asked us to take charge of their first cases. They were sent to us haphazard, without classification. There were women who were habitual inebriates, there were those who were imbecile or insane; every conceivable woman was regarded as suitable, and all were sent together. At that time I saw clearly that there would be a great failure (as was afterwards proved) in the reformatory system in this country unless there were means of separating the women who came from the same localities. That point I would like to emphasise to-day. We hear a great deal nowadays about the failure of reformatories, but unless you classify this will continue to be so.


2018 ◽  
Vol 122 (6) ◽  
pp. 2331-2347
Author(s):  
Meng-Ning Tsai ◽  
Ching-Lin Wu ◽  
Yu-Lin Chang ◽  
Hsueh-Chih Chen

Past research found that similar appreciation for humor exists between spouses, but it is not certain whether this similarity between spouses also exists in kindhearted or malicious humor. The present study investigated the similarity of Taiwanese married couples’ humor styles. Participants included 239 couples (mean age = 42.9 years) who had been married to each other for at least 10 years. We used a traditional Chinese edition of the Humor Styles Questionnaire to measure the humor style and clustered participants’ humor styles in order to examine the similarity between spouses. The results show that husbands have higher tendencies toward aggressive (Cohen’s d = 0.29, p < .01) and self-defeating (Cohen’s d = 0.35, p < .01) humor styles than wives. Results from multilevel modeling indicate that spouses’ aggressive ( p < .001, confidence interval = .17, .41) and self-defeating ( p < .01, confidence interval = .05, .30) humor styles acting as a valid predictor to the other spouses’ negative humor styles. Furthermore, the results show that personal humor styles could be categorized into four clusters: positive humor endorsers, negative humor endorsers, general humor endorsers, and humor deniers. According to the clusters within spouse pairs, results show that similarities in humor styles exist between spouses (χ2 = 16.73, p = .01). The current study finds that most couples have similar humor styles and that a high proportion of married couples share the same humor clusters.


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