The Choice of Migration Destination: Dominican and Cuban Immigrants to the Mainland United States and Puerto Rico

1993 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 537-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Funkhouser ◽  
Fernando A. Ramos

Puerto Rico provides an alternative destination for immigrants from the Spanish-speaking Caribbean because the culture is similar to that in the source country. In this study, we use the 1980 Census of Population to examine the importance of relative earnings and culture in the choice of destination. The main finding is the similar pattern of choice of location for immigrants from the Dominican Republic and Cuba. The more educated and more professional immigrants are found in either Puerto Rico or outside the enclave on the mainland. Within this group, those with less time remaining in the labor market and lower English ability are found in Puerto Rico. We find that not all differences in location decision are attributable to differences in reward structure by location.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián Fuentes-Luque ◽  
Pabsi Livmar González-Irizarry

Even though Audiovisual Translation (AVT) is growing and flourishing throughout the world, it is practically unheard-of in the Caribbean, where accessibility faces an even bleaker existence. The circumstances of the deaf and hard of hearing (also referred to as D/deaf) are no less alarming: social barriers and exclusion are widespread. This paper emphasizes the need to make subtitles accessible in the Spanish-speaking Caribbean, specifically on the islands of Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic, and underscores the challenges faced by the D/deaf communities on each island. Our research focuses on issues like AVT laws and regulations, the habits of viewers of audiovisual (AV) products, and literacy and limitations on each island. This paper also examines the different types of D/deaf audiovisual consumers in the Spanish-speaking Caribbean and the difficulties each community faces when accessing media and entertainment. Our research reveals the current state of AVT accessibility in this region and provides a foundation for influencing legislators to begin enforcing AVT regulations and drafting SDH guidelines.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Q. Sawyer ◽  
Yesilernis Peña ◽  
Jim Sidanius

This paper examined the interface between “racial” and national identity from the perspective of two competing theoretical frameworks: the ideological asymmetry hypothesis and the thesis of Iberian Exceptionalism. In contrast to previous results found in the United States and Israel, use of survey data from Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba showed some support for both theoretical positions. Consistent with the asymmetry thesis, there was strong and consistent evidence of racial hierarchy within all three Caribbean nations. However, contradicting the asymmetry hypothesis and more in line with the Iberian Exceptionalism perspective, there was a general tendency for all “races” to be equally attached to the nation in both the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico. Somewhat unexpectedly, Cuban Blacks tended to be slightly more positively attached to the nation than Cuban Whites. These results suggest that the precise interface between racial and national identity will be acutely influenced by the specific socio-political context within each nation.


1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 203-220
Author(s):  
Joan M. Fayer ◽  
Joseph M. Ferri ◽  
Alma Simounet de Géigel ◽  
Amalia Boero de Peters

Abstract/short description: This study presents a cross-region comparison of the food cultures of Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic and United States of America. The food is here conceptualized as a non-verbal communication system and Barthes' structural model is used for its analysis and comparison. The authors observe that food can indicate social status, religion, gender, age and geographical origins. Also, they observe that in the regions where different cultures are in contact, their cuisines can often mix with each other. Short description written by Michał Gilewski


ILR Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
George J. Borjas

This paper presents an empirical analysis of earnings differentials among male Hispanic immigrants in the United States. The principal finding of the study is that there are major differences in the rate of economic mobility of the various Hispanic groups. In particular, the rate of economic progress by Cuban immigrants exceeds that of other Hispanic groups, the result in part of the fact that Cuban immigrants have invested more heavily in U.S. schooling than other Hispanic immigrants arriving in this country at the same time. The author concludes that these findings are consistent with the hypothesis that political refugees are likely to face higher costs of return immigration than do “economic” immigrants, and therefore the former have greater incentives to adapt rapidly to the U.S. labor market.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

The Spanish language in the United States has a long history. An American Language rediscovers the politics of the Spanish language in the period following the U.S.-Mexican War. The story begins with the United States takeover of Mexican lands that included American Indians and Mexican settlers. The settlers became U.S. citizens at the end of the war through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. These Spanish-speaking Mexican settlers thereafter used the treaty as the arbiter of their citizenship, making them treaty citizens. The United States permitted Spanish to become a language of politics in the Southwest in the nineteenth century. Comparing Spanish as a political language across the Southwest and Puerto Rico provides an opportunity to understand larger shifts in national views of citizenship. Comparing federal, state, territorial, and local approaches to the Spanish language also demonstrates the resilience of Spanishlanguage preferences among residents of the Southwest. Spanish is an American language due to its long history and continuing importance in the nation. Tracing the multilingual history of the nation provides an opportunity to include the United States into larger discussions of how migration changes a nation and how its citizens view language.


2001 ◽  
Vol 75 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 97-121
Author(s):  
Sally Price ◽  
Richard Price

[First paragraph]Another year, another monumental stack of new books with Caribbeanist interest of one sort or another. NWIG reviewers have been contributing full essays on more than seventy such books each year, but that still leaves well over one hundred others deserving of mention in this residual wrap-up of the 2000 season. We are deeply grateful to those scholars who have taken the time to provide reviews. And we are pleased to announce that the 2000 edition of the Caribbeanist Hall of Shame (created for scholars who commit themselves to reviews but then neither provide them nor relinquish the book so someone else can take on the task) has shrunk from a membership of 15 (in 1993, its inaugural year) to just two (identified, as has become our custom, by first and last initials). Despite our gentle reminders, J—e F—s failed to review The Dominican Republic and the United States: From Imperialism to Transnationalism, edited by G. Pope Atkins & Larman C. Wilson (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998, paper, US$ 20.00) and B—a S—i never came through with a review of Constructing a Colonial People: Puerto Rico and the United States, 1898-1932, by Pedro A. Caban (Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1999, cloth US$ 60.00).


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Melendez

This study examines whether or not the likelihood of Puerto Rican workers choosing to migrate to the United States depends on their occupations or skills. The study determined that the occupational composition among thosemigrating from the island to the United States generally corresponds to the occupational distribution in Puerto Rico. The exception is that, after controlling for labor market conditions in Puerto Rico and in the United States and for other characteristics of the migrants, farm workers, laborers, and craft and kindred workers are overrepresented in the flow of migrants. The two most important factors contributing to the occupational distribution of migrants are whether or not they already have job offers in the United States and whether they are currently employed in Puerto Rico. Among those returning to Puerto Rico, the study found no positive or negative occupational selectivity.


Author(s):  
Antonio Sotomayor

Resumen: Este artículo analiza los Juegos Interantillanos realizados en Ciudad Trujillo (Santo Domingo) en 1944. Dicha competencia fue parte de las celebraciones oficiales del centenario de la República Dominicana y participaron los tres países hispano-Caribeños: Cuba, Puerto Rico y la República Dominicana. Entre los objetivos de los Juegos se contaba fomentar la fraternidad en el Caribe hispano. Sin embargo, el mensaje de paz y hermandad que el discurso oficial de los Juegos promovía contrasta con la dictadura del General Rafael Leonidas Trujillo. El argumento de este estudio es que los Juegos Interantillanos sirvieron como una herramienta al servicio de la hegemonía dictatorial y complementaba la brutal represión del trujillato. Estos Juegos también contribuyeron a reforzar la identidad de la República Dominicana como una nación hispano-Caribeña, diferente y superior de sus vecinos no-hispanohablantes, especialmente en comparación a Haití.Palabras clave: Juegos Interantillanos, Movimiento Olímpico, República Dominicana, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, Solidaridad, Centenario.Abstract: This project analyzes the Inter-Antillean Games held in Ciudad Trujillo (Santo Domingo) in 1944. That tournament was part of the official celebrations of the Dominican Republic’s Centennial celebrations and featured the three Spanish speaking Caribbean countries: Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Puerto Rico. Among the Games’ objectives was fostering Spanish Caribbean confraternity and goodwill. However, the Games’ message of peace and goodwill that the official discourse promoted contrasts with the dictatorship of General Rafael Leonidas Trujillo. This article argues that the Inter-Antillean Games served as another hegemonic tool of the regime and complemented the trujillato’s brutal repression. It also served as a way to further establish the Dominican Republic as a “Spanish” Caribbean nation, different and better than their nonHispanic Caribbean neighbor, especially to Haiti.Keywords: Inter-Antillean Games, Olympic Movement, Dominican Republic, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, Solidarity, Centenary.


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