scholarly journals Victim, broker, activist, fixer: Surviving dispossession in working class Lahore

2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582110292
Author(s):  
Ammara Maqsood ◽  
Fizzah Sajjad
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Urban Geography ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Global South ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marginal Groups

Recent debates in urban geography and anthropology have urged a rethinking of ‘marginal’ groups, viewing them not only as intimately connected to the state and its power, but also as offering a lens into alternate modes of dwelling, endurance and political change. We reflect upon the conceptual possibilities of such forms of endurance by examining how those residing in urban margins utilise, enable and inhabit connections to centres of power when faced with dispossession. Focusing on evictions that took place in Lahore (Pakistan) between 2015 and 2017, to acquire land for the Orange Line Metro Train, we follow the actions and narrations of one interlocutor, as he confronted the loss of his home. Unravelling how survival at the margins depends upon tactility and a continuous shifting between roles and modes of actions, we highlight the unique and particular ways in which evictions are lived and embodied. Including such shifting modes of negotiating in conceptualisations of the ‘political’ in the Global South does indeed offer potentialities, but we urge caution in over-reading into these possibilities. Shape-shifting and movement in embodied roles allows for a certain kind of thriving in precarity but rarely allows inhabitants – as they so aspire – to override it altogether.

scholarly journals Warfare, Taxation, and Political Change: Evidence from the Italian Risorgimento

2011 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 887-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK DINCECCO ◽  
GIOVANNI FEDERICO ◽  
ANDREA VINDIGNI
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Political Change ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Italian Peninsula ◽  
Analytic Narrative ◽  
Military Strength

We examine the relationships between warfare, taxation, and political change in the context of the political unification of the Italian peninsula. Using a comprehensive new database, we argue that external and internal threat environments had significant implications for the demand for military strength, which in turn had important ramifications for fiscal policy and the likelihood of constitutional reform and related improvements in the provision of nonmilitary public services. Our analytic narrative complements recent theoretical and econometric works about state capacity. By emphasizing public finances, we also uncover novel insights about the forces underlying state formation in Italy.“The budget is the skeleton of the state, stripped of any misleading ideologies.”Sociologist Rudolf Goldscheid, 19261

West Belfast

The Hoods ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Hamill
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irish Republican Army

This chapter argues that, from the early days of the political conflict in the 1970s the conditions were such that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) adopted some of the functions of the state, namely the provision of policing and punishment of ordinary crime. The hostility of the statutory criminal justice system, particularly the police, toward the working-class Catholic community dramatically increased the costs of using state services. The high levels of disaffection and aggression among working-class Catholics toward the police meant that the state could no longer fulfill its function and police the community in any “normal” way. A demand for policing therefore existed. Simultaneously, this demand was met and fostered by the IRA, which had the motivation, the manpower, and the monopoly on the use of violence necessary to carry out this role.

The (Mixed) Times of Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jose Lezama Lima ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.

scholarly journals Calvin on church and government

2010 ◽  
Vol 44 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
W.A. Dreyer
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Regard ◽  
Civil Contract ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Civil Government ◽  
Church Government

This article examines Calvin’s understanding of civil govern- ment as well as the relationship between church and govern- ment against the background of radical political change during the sixteenth century. It becomes clear that Calvin had an organic understanding of church, government and people. These three entities are interwoven and interact on the basis of the covenant and civil contract. Calvin’s approach, however, is not limited to the covenant, but has a surprising richness and diversity. He integrated theological, juristic and philosophical concepts in his understanding of the state. It is further shown that Calvin’s high regard for civil government, entrenched the corpus christianum, even though he clearly distinguished between ecclesiastical and civil governance. It is also shown that Calvin had a fundamental influence on many of the political concepts which are generally accepted within modern democra- cies.

scholarly journals DEMOCRACIA E CRIMINALIZAÇÃO DOS MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS NO BRASIL: as manifestações de junho de 2013

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Ilse Gomes Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Action ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
The Right

Resumo: O artigo tem como objetivo levantar elementos para a análise da ação do Estado brasileiro diante das manifestações de junho de 2013 e compreender o processo de criminalização dos movimentos sociais. As manifestações de junho de 2013, em todo o território brasileiro, denunciaram a precarização das condições de vida da população e a forma violenta do Estado tratar a classe trabalhadora quando ousa reivindicar seus direitos. Diversos movimentos sociais estão nas ruas exercendo o direito à participação política e pressionando as instituições da democracia. A reação violenta do Estado brasileiro a estas manifestações indicam que direitos duramente conquistados, como a liberdade de expressão e organização, estão ameaçados, o que coloca em risco a participação política da classe trabalhadora e, consequentemente, a democracia.Palavras-chave: Poder político, autoritarismo, movimentos sociais, democracia.DEMOCRACY AND CRIMINALIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN BRAZIL: the manifestations on june 2013Abstract: The article aims to identify elements for the Brazilian state action on the analysis of the manifestations on June 2013 and understand the process of criminalization of social movements. The manifestations on June 2013, in all of Brazil, denounced the deterioration of people’s living conditions and the violent way the state treat the working class when it dares to claim their rights. Diverse social movements are on the streets exercising the right to political participation and exerting pressure on institutions of democracy. The violent reaction of the Brazilian state to these demonstrations indicate that hard-won rights such as freedom of expression and organization, are threatened, which endangers the political participation of the working class and hence democracy.Key words: Political power, authoritarianism, social movements, democracy.

scholarly journals “Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Una perspectiva comparada sobre la historia colombiana

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Way

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.

The Invisible Hand of the Royal Family in the Political Dynamics of Swaziland

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mfaniseni Fana Sihlongonyane
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Invisible Hand ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Constructivist Perspective

AbstractWhy does Swaziland remain authoritarian despite the democratic political changes that have occurred in the other parts of the African continent since the 1990s? Does it mean that Swaziland is immune to political change? The answers to these questions are diverse and wide-ranging from the international relations view to the radical perspectives and to the functionalist view. But the tendency of these views is to analyse Swazi politics according to historically constructed and particularised contexts and dynamics without fusing the wide-ranging factors that play various roles in the politics of the country. One of the major assumptions by these views is that the state (royal family) and the nation (subjects) are the same as was the case in the pre-colonial period and that the state has a sole privilege to cultural instrumentalism. These views therefore have a tendency to explain political change in terms of class structure and capital relations without taking the multifunctional dimensions of culture into consideration. This paper brings together the various views to explain political resistance in the country in terms of a cleavage between the state and the nation. It provides a historical overview of the political transformation in the country within a framework of cultural nationalism. The thrust of the paper is to look at how the royal family has survived between a primordial and constructivist perspective to political change from the colonial to the post-colonial period. It subjects both the incumbent and the opposition onto a critical analysis and points out a possible direction for political resolve.

Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ikram Adnani
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Anthropology ◽  
Arab State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
National State ◽  
The Status

The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.

Lulism, Populism, and Bonapartism

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Armando Boito
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Income Distribution ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Growth Increase ◽  
Brazilian Politics

Lulism is one of the most important political phenomena of twenty-first-century Brazil. It can be compared to the Varguism that dominated Brazilian politics between 1930 and 1964 in its broad popular but politically unorganized base and its policy of state intervention in the economy to stimulate economic growth, increase the state’s room for maneuver against the imperialist countries, and promote a moderate income distribution. These two variants of populism differ, however, in that Varguism was based on the working class while Lulism, which may be called “neopopulism,” is based on the marginal mass of workers and has less potential to destabilize the political process. Bonapartism, to which Lulism has also been compared, is distinct from it in that what links its leadership to its base is the fetish of the state based on order rather than the fetish based on protection. O lulismo é um dos fenômenos políticos mais importantes do Brasil do século XXI. Pode ser comparado ao varguismo que dominou a política brasileira entre 1930 e 1964 em relação à sua ampla, mas politicamente desorganizada, base popular, e sua política de intervenção estatal na economia para estimular o crescimento econômico, aumentar a margem de manobra do Estado contra os países imperialistas e promover uma distribuição de renda moderada. Essas duas variantes do populismo diferem, no entanto, no sentido de que o varguismo era baseado na classe trabalhadora, enquanto o lulismo, que pode ser chamado de “neopopulismo”, é baseado na massa marginal de trabalhadores e tem menos potencial para desestabilizar o processo político. O bonapartismo, ao qual o lulismo também foi comparado, é distinto dele, pois o que liga sua liderança à sua base é o fetiche do estado baseado na ordem, e não o fetiche baseado na proteção.

Anthropological Perspectives on the Limits of the State

2018 ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Andrew Brandel ◽  
Shalini Randeria
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
State Power ◽  
Global South ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Everyday Experience ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The World ◽  
Social Scientific

This chapter examines how anthropological work on the state and political power not only complements, but also contests the political scientific conception of limited statehood. The two disciplines are no longer distinguished by the methods they employ, or their analytical dispositions, or the regions of the world where they conduct research. Here it is suggested instead that anthropology continues to be defined by its commitment to challenging universalizing social scientific assumptions on the basis of ethnography that theorizes from everyday experience. Drawing on examples both from the global South and North, we delineate how anthropology nuances various conceptions of limits of state power, particularly those that structure the binaries of West and non-West, public and private, state and non-state, formal and informal, national and trans- or supranational, on which much of the discussion of state capacity, or its partial absence, is predicated.

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