Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world

Author(s):  
Ikram Adnani

The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 887-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK DINCECCO ◽  
GIOVANNI FEDERICO ◽  
ANDREA VINDIGNI

We examine the relationships between warfare, taxation, and political change in the context of the political unification of the Italian peninsula. Using a comprehensive new database, we argue that external and internal threat environments had significant implications for the demand for military strength, which in turn had important ramifications for fiscal policy and the likelihood of constitutional reform and related improvements in the provision of nonmilitary public services. Our analytic narrative complements recent theoretical and econometric works about state capacity. By emphasizing public finances, we also uncover novel insights about the forces underlying state formation in Italy.“The budget is the skeleton of the state, stripped of any misleading ideologies.”Sociologist Rudolf Goldscheid, 19261


Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.


1975 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell Owusu

Policy research involves two acts of translation: translation of the problem from the world of reality and policy into the world of scientific method, and then a translation of the research results back into the world of reality and policy.1Since the political scientist, David Easton, commented critically in 1959 on the state of the study of politics by anthropologists,2 many interesting changes have taken place in the analyses of African politics – in fact, of politics of non-western societies in general.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


Author(s):  
Taef El-Azhari

This chapter analyse the status of eunuchs in Islam, compared to other civilizations. One monitor the different types of eunuchs and their evolution from serving in the harem section under early Abbasids to become intrusted with intelligence, insignia among other vital posts. The significant period of caliph al-Amin d. 813, where one see his love affairs with eunuchs and public perception to such behaviour. One do examine how third gendered eunuchs became army commanders, dominating the political affairs of the empire in early 10th cntury. That is in full collaboration with royal mothers, concubines, among other courtiers. How legendary Mu’nis al-Khadim reinstated a caliph, and toppled another for his own interests, although he has no biological future. Such domination by eunuchs, made them occupy almost all top positions in the state. The result, was the declaration of the first sole eunuch as a governor of a Muslim state in 966; Kafur of Egypt. That took place with some resentment from some intellectuals, but chroniclers did not report much dismay to the phenomena.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.


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