Lulism, Populism, and Bonapartism

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Armando Boito

Lulism is one of the most important political phenomena of twenty-first-century Brazil. It can be compared to the Varguism that dominated Brazilian politics between 1930 and 1964 in its broad popular but politically unorganized base and its policy of state intervention in the economy to stimulate economic growth, increase the state’s room for maneuver against the imperialist countries, and promote a moderate income distribution. These two variants of populism differ, however, in that Varguism was based on the working class while Lulism, which may be called “neopopulism,” is based on the marginal mass of workers and has less potential to destabilize the political process. Bonapartism, to which Lulism has also been compared, is distinct from it in that what links its leadership to its base is the fetish of the state based on order rather than the fetish based on protection. O lulismo é um dos fenômenos políticos mais importantes do Brasil do século XXI. Pode ser comparado ao varguismo que dominou a política brasileira entre 1930 e 1964 em relação à sua ampla, mas politicamente desorganizada, base popular, e sua política de intervenção estatal na economia para estimular o crescimento econômico, aumentar a margem de manobra do Estado contra os países imperialistas e promover uma distribuição de renda moderada. Essas duas variantes do populismo diferem, no entanto, no sentido de que o varguismo era baseado na classe trabalhadora, enquanto o lulismo, que pode ser chamado de “neopopulismo”, é baseado na massa marginal de trabalhadores e tem menos potencial para desestabilizar o processo político. O bonapartismo, ao qual o lulismo também foi comparado, é distinto dele, pois o que liga sua liderança à sua base é o fetiche do estado baseado na ordem, e não o fetiche baseado na proteção.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


Author(s):  
Heather Hamill

This chapter argues that, from the early days of the political conflict in the 1970s the conditions were such that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) adopted some of the functions of the state, namely the provision of policing and punishment of ordinary crime. The hostility of the statutory criminal justice system, particularly the police, toward the working-class Catholic community dramatically increased the costs of using state services. The high levels of disaffection and aggression among working-class Catholics toward the police meant that the state could no longer fulfill its function and police the community in any “normal” way. A demand for policing therefore existed. Simultaneously, this demand was met and fostered by the IRA, which had the motivation, the manpower, and the monopoly on the use of violence necessary to carry out this role.


Author(s):  
Olga Ivanovna Pilipenko ◽  
Andrey Igorevich Pilipenko

The authors structure the main functions of the state in the economic system as the “famous triad” of R. Musgrave. They are connected with allocating resources, redistributing income (equality in income distribution), and stabilizing economy (economic efficiency). The aim is to find the causes of their low efficient implementation by the state. This is manifested in the fact that society itself does not have the ability to adequately control the current activities of the state created and put over it in order to protect its interests; in the contradictory essence of the state itself, which is the regulator, which forms the rules of behavior of economic agents and at the same time acts as the economic agent participating in market transactions. To model the options for the effective resolution of the problems of the “magic triangle,” the authors formulated the Musgrave uncertainty principle by analogy with the Heisenberg uncertainty principle in physics. This makes it possible to assess the budget expenditures of the state in order to get out of its low efficiency trap.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-533
Author(s):  
Aaron Rosenthal

AbstractDoes political distrust generate a desire to engage in the political process or does it foster demobilization? Utilizing a theoretical framework rooted in government experiences and a mixed-methods research design, this article highlights the racially contingent meaning of political distrust to show that both relationships exist. For Whites, distrust is tied to a perception of tax dollars being poorly spent, leading to increased political involvement as Whites to try to gain control over “their” investment in government. For People of Color, distrust of government is grounded in a fear of the criminal justice system, and thus drives disengagement by motivating a desire for invisibility in relation to the state. Ultimately, this finding highlights a previously unseen racial heterogeneity in the political consequences of distrust. Further, it demonstrates how the state perpetuates racially patterned political inequality in a time when many of the formal laws engendering this dynamic have fallen away.


1973 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansel G. Blackford

While events of major significance for banking occurred on the national scene in the populist and progressive years, noteworthy changes also materialized on the state level. Like their brethren elsewhere in the country, California bankers struggled through their organizations with such problems as how to achieve “sound banking,” how to influence the political process in their state, and how to give banking more of the trappings of professionalism.


1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 964-971
Author(s):  
G. Lowell Field

Contrary to expectation, widespread when the Fascists acceded to power, no notable retreat by the national government from the field of economic undertaking has been witnessed under the present Italian régime. The theoretical advocacy of public ownership of business concerns as a goal in itself has, indeed, passed entirely from the political stage with the suppression of the once powerful Socialist party, but the enterprises already operated by the Italian government have for the most part been continued under Mussolini's administration. Fascist theory concedes the private entrepreneur to be the normal and proper producer and distributor of economic goods. The Fascist attitude toward the government in business is expressed in the doctrine of state intervention. When any phase of the national economy fails to operate properly, the state has a right to intervene, even to the extent of becoming an entrepreneur itself. In the ninth declaration of the Charter of Labor, the Fascist social creed, the doctrine is expressed thus: “The intervention of the state in economic production takes place only when private initiative is lacking or is insufficient or when political interests of the state are involved. Such intervention may assume the form of control, assistance, or direct management.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Bertram Chukwudum Ifeanyi Okpokwasili

<p>This paper investigates whether the use of different inequality measures is instrumental in determining impact on economic growth at the State level. We find that different measures show different levels of significance with respect to economic health. We study New Jersey income distribution and shares from 1964 to 2014, using graphs and statistics. The dual analyses approach and the use of different inequality measures enabled conclusions to be reached, that only one view and one inequality measure would have made difficult, if not misleading. New Jersey Real GDP/Capita (RGC) was going up, whether or not the inequality measure was getting better. Inequality had little or no effect on the direction of the RGC. Economic Growth is not a good measure of the effects of inequality.</p>


Author(s):  
Furqan Ali ◽  
Mohammad Asif

The rate of economic growth in India fluctuates with the world economic scenario. The developed countries being economically stable and highly advanced by technology, like U.S.A, France, Germany, Japan, and China faced the problem of economic crises. At the same time, the world comes to fluctuate their efficiency and empowerment to the leadership engagement in stabilizing the economy. In this paper, data taken from the Indian States as per capita income at the state level and compare it with all India average data. The Net State Domestic Product Per Capita Income (NSDPPCI), had taken on a current price for the short period 2011-2012 to 2016-2017. This paper compared the regional variation in state performance and compared the most riches states to inferior ones. The factors which affect economic performance are like stabilize the political stability in the state. We also focus comparison on the different political party announcements of the welfare scheme for the farmers and other poor people living in these states. Another factor like the level of education at states and center level, total population, and its growth rate, the public expenditure on the health sector. We measure income inequality, income distribution with the economic growth of India. KEYWORDS: Economic Growth; Inequality; Income Distribution; Political Stability.


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 317-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. M. Naseem

The disillusionment of many developing countries with past policies which paid exclusive attention to the rate of growth has, in recent years, led to a some¬what belated interest in the problems of unemployment, income distribution and mass poverty. Pakistan/perhaps, has the unique, if dubious, distinction of being one of the first developing countries both to adopt and, later, to reject growthmanship as a national creed.1 Although serious doubts about the assumptions and implications of the official strategy of economic growth in Pakistan began to be expressed in 1968, the issues were clouded by the political demand for the autonomy, and later the separation of the eastern wing of the country. At the recent Pakistan Economic Conference, held in February 1973, some of the basic issues of Pakistan's development strategy were discussed hi detail in various papers [1], [7], [14], [25]. The focus of these papers was on income distribution and employment and their implications for the future growth strategy. The present author in his paper [14] at the Conference, presented some tentative estimates of mass poverty and unemployment in West Pakistan. The present paper is designed to give more systematic estimates of the extent of mass poverty in Pakistan.


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