US imperialism after Iraq

Race & Class ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Harris
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

The failure of its occupation of Iraq has provoked deep divisions among the US ruling elite over the future of foreign policy. The unilateralism promoted by the neoconservatives has been discredited, yet it is unclear whether the post-Bush era will be dominated by the `realists' or the `globalists', each of whom advocate different pathways for US imperialism. The `realists' — long the dominant trend in US foreign policy thinking — aim to maintain US leadership of the pro-western alliance formed during the cold war, whereas the `globalists', whose economic interests are those of transnational capital, seek to rethink US power within the context of an emerging polycentric world system, the parameters of which remain to be fully articulated. For the moment, there is a disconnect between the transnational economics of globalisation and the nationalist politics of the US ruling class, which remains committed to its belief that America has been uniquely chosen by history, culture and God to lead the world.

US Security Assistance to Pakistan in Post 9/11 Period

2021 ◽  
pp. 96-116
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
Security Relationship ◽  
The Cold War

This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of United States aid assistance to Pakistan in the light of post 9/11 security developments in the world. The analysis of US foreign policy aid instruments generally indicates three broad objectives: strategic/politico-security benefits, economic interests and humanitarian concerns. Although one consistently recurring theme in US foreign policy aid provision, both in the Cold War period and the newer post 2001 ‘War on Terror’ period has been security. This theme has also defined US-Pakistan aid relationship in different times, with the exception of Bush administration, who unlike the Cold War period made an alteration byspecifying funds forpurpose-basedusage in sub-fields. This paper argues that Bush administration sought to achieve US foreign policy objectives by providing strategic aid to Pakistan much at the expense of domestic public opinion. It further stresses that change in administration in the US brought obstacles in aid flows to Pakistan as President Obama not only reduced the amount of aid under specific heads, but also openly accused Pakistan of fomenting the militants (the good Taliban), which in turn hurt the US broader strategic goals in the region and raised irreconcilable issues of trust between the two countries. The new administration of Trump went a step ahead by suspending many of the aid programmes to Pakistan, bringing the all-time trust-deficit between the two countries to an all-time low. This paper primarily applies the realist and neo-realist theoretical framework to understand the aid and security relationship paradigm between the US and Pakistan.

scholarly journals Sanctions as tools in the US foreign policy after the cold war

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-491
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Joksimovic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

In searching for various opportunities to act in pursuing its foreign policy and endeavors to achieve a dominant role in the global processes USA has developed a broad range of instruments including a financial assistance as a way to be given support for its positions, intelligence activities, its public diplomacy, unilateral implementation of sanctions and even military interventions. The paper devotes special attention to one of these instruments - sanctions, which USA implemented in the last decade of the 20th century more than ever before. The author explores the forms and mechanisms for implementation of sanctions, the impact and effects they produce on the countries they are directed against, but also on the third parties or the countries that have been involved in the process by concurrence of events and finally on USA as the very initiator of imposing them.

6. American foreign policy during the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Saull
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Containment Policy ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines US foreign policy during the Cold War, beginning with an overview of the main historical developments in US policy. It first considers the origins of the Cold War and containment, focusing on the breakdown of the wartime alliance between the United States and the USSR, the emergence of US–Soviet diplomatic hostility and geopolitical confrontation, and how the Cold War spread beyond Europe. It then explains how the communist revolution in China in 1949 and the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 propelled the US towards a much bolder and more ambitious containment policy. It also looks at US military interventions in the third world, the US role in the ending of the Cold War, and the geopolitical, ideational, and/or socio-economic factors that influenced American foreign policy during the Cold War. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the dual concerns of US foreign policy.

scholarly journals HAS THE US POLICY BEEN MORE ANTI-IRANIAN THAN PRO-ARAB WITH THE FALL OF THE SHAH? A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Ilmi Dwiastuti
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Dynamic Relations ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractSince the fall of the Shah, the US-Iran relations have changed significantly. During the Shah regime, US-Iran experience a warm relationship through economic and military partnerships, however, it changed since the Iran revolution until today. Iran turned out to be one of the axis of evil during the Bush administration. The fall of the Shah also changes the direction of the foreign policy of the US. It then led to the proposition of whether the US foreign policy has been more anti-Iranian than pro-Arab with the fall of the Shah. This paper seeks to answer this question through historical analysis. It examines the US policy during the Cold War era and the post-Cold War. Therefore, the US policy in the region is not always anti-Iranian than the pro-Arab case. The changed regional architecture influences the priorities of the President of the US at that time to put aside Iran's issue, as it happened on George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama administration. Thus, the characteristic of the leader also heavily influences US posture in Iran, as Bush and Trump's personality and policies are clearly against Iran. However, despite the dynamic relations of the US-Iran, Iran has always been one of the threats for the US interest in the Persian Gulf since the Shah has fallen.

scholarly journals US Foreign Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War

1970 ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk ◽  
D. Puhachova-Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The article examines the formation of the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy at the beginning of the Cold War. The focus is on determining the vectors of the United States in relation to the spatial priorities of the US foreign policy, the particular interests in the respective regions, the content of means and methods of influence for the realization of their own geopolitical interests. It is argued that the main regions that the United States identified for itself in the early postwar years were Europe, the Middle and Far East, and the Middle East and North Africa were the peripheral ones (attention was also paid to Latin America). It is stated that the most important priorities of American foreign policy were around the perimeter of the zone of influence of the USSR, which entered the postwar world as an alternative to the US center  of power. Attention is also paid to US foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan and the 4th Point Program, which have played a pivotal role inshaping American foreign policy in the postwar period.

scholarly journals Ukrainian question in us policy in the context of commemorating the «Captive Nations Week»

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (49) ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
American People ◽  
Good Opportunity ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

One of the significant achievements of the Ukrainian ethnic lobby in the US during the Cold War was the adoption of Public Law 86-90 Captive Nations Week Resolution. Under this law, the US president was authorized to declare «Captive Nations Week» annually – until all of them become free and independent, and has invited the American people to observe the occasion with appropriate ceremonies and activities, in support of the oppressed peoples who lost their independence as the result of «direct and indirect aggression of communist Russia». It remains valid for six decades and is becoming increasingly relevant under conditions of growing Russian aggression. The purpose of our research is to find out the importance of the «Ukrainian question» in US foreign policy in the context of the commemoration of «Captive Nations Week». The «Ukrainian question» during the Cold War was largely considered in the overall political-ideological context of the confrontation with the USSR. Using a favorable socio-political situation, the Ukrainian Diaspora, led by the Ukrainian Congressional Committee of America (UCCA), organized large-scale information campaigns aimed at drawing the attention of the American and world community to the internal situation in the Union, as well as consideration, at least at the theoretical level, the question of the state status of Ukraine. It was during this period that the political representation of American Ukrainians, a peculiar Ukrainian ethnic lobby was formed, playing a significant role in the adoption of the Public Law 86-90 Captive Nations Week Resolution. The strategic significance of this law was to determine at the official level the status of Ukraine as a colonial dependent country. Despite independence, Ukraine, under conditions of direct aggression on the part of Russia, remains in the list of «captive nations», which the Captive Nations Committee calls for the defense of, and some Western analysts believe that this Week is a good opportunity to think and start acting. US support in confronting Russian expansion is essential for Ukraine, but the Ukrainian government needs to make a lot of effort to maintain US commitment and deepen partnerships based on common values and interests. In our opinion, close cooperation with the Ukrainian diaspora, which already has considerable experience in lobbying Ukraine’s national interests and the ability to coordinate ethnic needs with American social values, is prominent in this direction. Keywords: Ukrainian question, Captive Nations Week, US, foreign policy, ethnic lobby, Lev Dobriansky

scholarly journals Why the end of the Cold War doesn't matter: the US war of terror in Colombia

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-585 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doug Stokes
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Third World ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
South American ◽  
Historical Interpretation ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

Orthodox narratives of US foreign policy have been employed as uncontested modes of historical interpretation with US post-Cold War foreign policy in the Third World characterised by discontinuity from its earlier Cold War objectives. Chomsky's work adopts an alternative revisionist historiography that views US post-Cold War foreign policy as characterised by continuity with its earlier Cold War objectives. This article examines the continuities of US post-Cold War policy in Colombia, and explains this in terms of the maintenance of US access to South American oil, the preservation of regional (in)stability and the continued need to destroy challenges to US-led neoliberalism.

John Willoughby, Remaking the Conquering Heroes: The Postwar American Occupation of Germany. New York: Palgrave, 2001. xiii + 187 pp. $45.00 cloth.

2004 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 188-191
Author(s):  
Maria Höhn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Organizational Capability ◽  
American Occupation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

Scholars in both the US and Germany have studied the American occupation of Germany extensively. Until recently, however, much of that work focused on the emerging Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union to explain the rapid shift from an occupation intended to punish the Germans to one that increasingly included West Germans as partners and allies. While not dismissing the importance of the Cold War struggle in shaping US foreign policy, John Willoughby suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of how American power was projected during the Cold War is only possible if attention is shifted from the policy makers in Washington to the players on the ground. By exploring how the American military government dealt with the chaotic social and economic conditions within Germany, the widespread disciplinary problems of American GIs, and the pervasive racism within the military, Willoughby makes a compelling argument that US foreign policy and the “institutions of occupation” were transformed by the “more mundane problems of social control and organizational capability” (3). The American objectives in Germany changed, not because of the Cold War, but because financial pressures, personnel shortages, and economic disarray forced military authorities to hand over power to the Germans much sooner than envisioned by Washington. While Willoughby—by his own admission—does not provide new material to the professional historian of the era, his book nonetheless offers a fresh interpretation that draws on social and cultural history while also paying attention to race and gender.

The New Imperialism? On Continuity and Change in US Foreign Policy

2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (9) ◽  
pp. 1527-1544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Glassman
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Imperialism ◽  
The Cold War

The unilateral militarism of the George W Bush administration has rekindled interest in imperialism within geography and elsewhere in the social sciences, leading some authors to refer to a new imperialism, or neo-imperialism. This paper critically interrogates the notion that the foreign policy of this administration represents a significant break from past US practices, with the use of concepts from Gramsci and Poulantzas to analyze the class and class-fractional bases of US foreign policy both during and after the Cold War. It is argued that there are certain important continuities in contemporary US imperialism and that there are also differences that owe to the present, post-Cold-War context. It is suggested that if this analysis of continuities is correct then the problems and dangers posed by the “new imperialism” may not be as readily resolvable within a capitalist framework as is suggested by various contemporary commentators.

scholarly journals PRS IN US FOREIGN PRIORITIES AFTER THE PRESIDENCY ELECTIONS OF 2016

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Shevchuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Destabilizing Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of determining the new US Presidential Administration’s strategic foreign policy guidelines for developing their relations with the leading central-power states of the world, among which, considering the economic and political potential, the PRC occupies a special place. Apply the whole complex of philosophical general scientific, and specific methods of scientific research, which are inherent in political science, in their interconnection and complementarity. The main objectives of the study are to identify the main dimensions of the relationship between the US-China at the beginning of the presidential calendar D. Trump and predict the further evolution of the positioning of the United States and China in the regional and global system of international relations. In this article author makes an attempt to analyse possibilities for transformation of relations between USA and CPR from the beginning of D. Trump’s president cadence. The internal political and foreign policy determinants of the US-China relations mechanism are analyzed. The author makes the conclusion that it is quite realistic that the unbalance of relations in the format US-China can lead to an imbalance of the entire system of regional relations. Estimating the practical results of the meeting between US and Chinese leaders will be possible only after a certain period of time passes. At the moment, this meeting is evidence of the parties’ desire to reconcile their interests and open a dialogue at the highest level in order to prevent the extreme aggravation of relations. The additional destabilizing factors at the regional level are the «relics» of the Cold War: the Taiwan problem, controversial islands in the South China Sea, the Korean problem, etc. Washington’s and Beijing’s approaches to developing models for resolving these problems are quite different, which irritates the bilateral relationship. But with the prediction of the further evolution of US-China relations, it is necessary to take into account the so-called new improvisational style of US foreign policy that is characterized with high dynamism and unpredictability.

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