scholarly journals PRS IN US FOREIGN PRIORITIES AFTER THE PRESIDENCY ELECTIONS OF 2016

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Shevchuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Destabilizing Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of determining the new US Presidential Administration’s strategic foreign policy guidelines for developing their relations with the leading central-power states of the world, among which, considering the economic and political potential, the PRC occupies a special place. Apply the whole complex of philosophical general scientific, and specific methods of scientific research, which are inherent in political science, in their interconnection and complementarity. The main objectives of the study are to identify the main dimensions of the relationship between the US-China at the beginning of the presidential calendar D. Trump and predict the further evolution of the positioning of the United States and China in the regional and global system of international relations. In this article author makes an attempt to analyse possibilities for transformation of relations between USA and CPR from the beginning of D. Trump’s president cadence. The internal political and foreign policy determinants of the US-China relations mechanism are analyzed. The author makes the conclusion that it is quite realistic that the unbalance of relations in the format US-China can lead to an imbalance of the entire system of regional relations. Estimating the practical results of the meeting between US and Chinese leaders will be possible only after a certain period of time passes. At the moment, this meeting is evidence of the parties’ desire to reconcile their interests and open a dialogue at the highest level in order to prevent the extreme aggravation of relations. The additional destabilizing factors at the regional level are the «relics» of the Cold War: the Taiwan problem, controversial islands in the South China Sea, the Korean problem, etc. Washington’s and Beijing’s approaches to developing models for resolving these problems are quite different, which irritates the bilateral relationship. But with the prediction of the further evolution of US-China relations, it is necessary to take into account the so-called new improvisational style of US foreign policy that is characterized with high dynamism and unpredictability.

US grand strategy after the Cold War: Can realism explain it? Should realism guide it?

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen M Walt
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Policy Elites

This article uses realism to explain past US grand strategy and prescribe what it should be today. Throughout its history, the United States has generally acted as realism depicts. The end of the Cold War reduced the structural constraints that states normally face in anarchy, and a bipartisan coalition of foreign policy elites attempted to use this favorable position to expand the US-led ‘liberal world order’. Their efforts mostly failed, however, and the United States should now return to a more realistic strategy – offshore balancing – that served it well in the past. Washington should rely on local allies to uphold the balance of power in Europe and the Middle East and focus on leading a balancing coalition in Asia. Unfortunately, President Donald Trump lacks the knowledge, competence, and character to pursue this sensible course, and his cavalier approach to foreign policy is likely to damage America’s international position significantly.

scholarly journals SKYHAWK, SKYSHIELD, AND THE SOVIETS: REVISITING CANADA'S COLD WAR

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-475
Author(s):  
ASA MCKERCHER ◽  
TIMOTHY ANDREWS SAYLE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Full Account ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractFor the past two decades, Canadian international historians have largely missed the Cold War, or at least a significant portion of it. Certainly, there has been no shortage of studies of Canadian foreign policy featuring the bipolar struggle, and yet historians have largely confined their attention to Canada's admittedly crucial relationship with the United States, while Canadian–Soviet relations have been ignored. Indeed, in the historiography of Canada's Cold War international relations, the communist powers are largely missing. Hoping to challenge this limited focus, we frame our article around two Canada–US air defence exercises held in 1959 and 1960. While historians have viewed these exercises within the context of Canada's relationship with the United States, we highlight the wider Cold War framework in which Canadian policy was formed. After all, these exercises occurred during the mini-détente of the late 1950s and the collapse of the Paris summit in May 1960. As we demonstrate, the failure to take full account of the Cold War is a shortcoming of much of the writing on Canadian international relations, and so we offer an example of the need to take seriously Canada's foreign policy toward the communist bloc.

US imperialism after Iraq

Race & Class ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Harris
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

The failure of its occupation of Iraq has provoked deep divisions among the US ruling elite over the future of foreign policy. The unilateralism promoted by the neoconservatives has been discredited, yet it is unclear whether the post-Bush era will be dominated by the `realists' or the `globalists', each of whom advocate different pathways for US imperialism. The `realists' — long the dominant trend in US foreign policy thinking — aim to maintain US leadership of the pro-western alliance formed during the cold war, whereas the `globalists', whose economic interests are those of transnational capital, seek to rethink US power within the context of an emerging polycentric world system, the parameters of which remain to be fully articulated. For the moment, there is a disconnect between the transnational economics of globalisation and the nationalist politics of the US ruling class, which remains committed to its belief that America has been uniquely chosen by history, culture and God to lead the world.

The End of MAD? The Nuclear Dimension of U.S. Primacy

2006 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keir A. Lieber ◽  
Daryl G. Press
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Long Range ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Nuclear Exchange ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

For nearly half a century, the world's most powerful nuclear-armed states have been locked in a condition of mutual assured destruction. Since the end of the Cold War, however, the nuclear balance has shifted dramatically. The U.S. nuclear arsenal has steadily improved; the Russian force has sharply eroded; and Chinese nuclear modernization has progressed at a glacial pace. As a result, the United States now stands on the verge of attaining nuclear primacy, meaning that it could conceivably disarm the long-range nuclear arsenals of Russia and China with a nuclear first strike. A simple nuclear exchange model demonstrates that the United States has a potent first-strike capability. The trajectory of nuclear developments suggests that the nuclear balance will continue to shift in favor of the United States in coming years. The rise of U.S. nuclear primacy has significant implications for relations among the world's great powers, for U.S. foreign policy, and for international relations scholarship.

The Johnson Administration, the Shah of Iran, and the Changing Pattern of U.S.-Iranian Relations, 1965–1967: “Tired of Being Treated like a Schoolboy”

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew L. Johns
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Johnson Administration ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

This article explores a key period in the relationship between the United States and Iran in the shadow of the Vietnam conflict and the overarching Cold War. It shows how U.S.-Iranian relations shifted considerably from early 1965—when the shah of Iran stepped up his efforts to reduce his dependence on the United States—to November 1967, when U.S. economic development assistance to Iran formally ended. The Johnson administration's overwhelming concern with the Vietnam conflict led to the neglect of potentially critical foreign policy issues and allies, but the lack of success in Vietnam simultaneously accentuated the importance of maintaining key alliance relationships, especially with Iran. The article underscores the centrality of domestic political considerations in forming and understanding foreign policy, both in the United States and in other countries. It also suggests that Third World leaders understood the nature of the Cold War and used the superpower conflict to their advantage to a much greater degree than previously recognized.

The ‘New Cold War’ in ‘critical International Relations studies’

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kubalkova ◽  
A. A. Cruickshank
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War

In the historiography of the Cold War a small but active group of American historians influenced by New Left radicalism rejected the view prevailing in the USA at the time in regard to the assignation of responsibility for the beginning and continuation of the Cold War.1 Although their reasoning took them along different routes and via different perceptions as to key dates and events, there were certain features all US revisionists had in common (some more generally recognized than others). Heavily involved as they were in the analysis of the US socio-economic system, the Soviet Union was largely left out of their concerns and it was the United States who had been found the ‘guilty’ party. The revisionists, of course inadvertently, corroborated Soviet conclusions, a fact gratefully acknowledged by Soviet writers.2

scholarly journals US Foreign Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War

1970 ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk ◽  
D. Puhachova-Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The article examines the formation of the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy at the beginning of the Cold War. The focus is on determining the vectors of the United States in relation to the spatial priorities of the US foreign policy, the particular interests in the respective regions, the content of means and methods of influence for the realization of their own geopolitical interests. It is argued that the main regions that the United States identified for itself in the early postwar years were Europe, the Middle and Far East, and the Middle East and North Africa were the peripheral ones (attention was also paid to Latin America). It is stated that the most important priorities of American foreign policy were around the perimeter of the zone of influence of the USSR, which entered the postwar world as an alternative to the US center  of power. Attention is also paid to US foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan and the 4th Point Program, which have played a pivotal role inshaping American foreign policy in the postwar period.

scholarly journals The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period

2021 ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Beka Makaradze
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptance of mutual cooperation between the two countries. On the one side stood the USA – one of the leaders of the Western bloc in the Cold War, and on the other Turkey – a state very important in its region, but the most dependent on the US. Despite being in the NATO bloc together with the USA, Turkey has never felt secure itself. Assessing Ankara’s domestic and foreign policy, it is necessary to take into account the relationship with the United States, as it had the biggest impact on the overall shape of Turkey’s policy. Although the real and potential power of these two countries was not equal, during the Cold War Turkey became a stronghold of NATO and the Western bloc against the Soviet Union. Turkey was one of the countries that appeared on the border between the eastern and western hemispheres. Perhaps due to the peculiarities of its geographical location, Turkey became a country with equally special role in the world politics. The relations with the United States evolved precisely in this direction.

The Sociology of a Not-So-Integrated Discipline: The Development of International Relations in Japan

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takashi Inoguchi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Japanese History ◽  
Recent Exposure ◽  
The Social ◽  
Causes Of War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

Stimulated by Ole Waever's (1998) examination of American and European developments in International Relations, this article examines the growth of the discipline of international relations in Japan, focusing on the major currents of the social science tradition since 1868 and the intellectual agenda of international relations since 1945. Postwar scholarship has reflected the main themes and questions of Japanese history — the causes of war, the struggle for peace, Japan's place in the world and Asia, and Japan's role in the Cold War. To an extent, the organization and substance of IR teaching and scholarship in Japan can be explained by reference to certain sociological and historical variables. Discussions about methodology have not mirrored the “great debates” of the United States, but the younger scholars are moving closer to the American pattern. Recent exposure to and interaction with American scholarship has become increasingly visible, allowing Japanese scholars to make important contributions to debates in the US.

The theoretical framework of the new popular diplomacy Concept and concepts approach

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Thamer Abdul Razak Mahmoud
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

The developments and changes taking place in the international environment and in various fields are reflected in their impact on the nature of international relations and the opening of new fields of means to regulate those relations in the interests of States. The official diplomacy governing the relationship between governments was one of those means that indicated the need for popular diplomacy, During which the governments of the foreign countries, and their tasks become complementary to the work of diplomacy and help in achieving the objectives of foreign policy of States, and used popular diplomacy during World Wars I and II as well as the duration of the cold war as a means to achieve the goals and After the end of the Cold War and with the tremendous development in the fields of information and communication, ideas emerged from thinkers and research centers that called for the re-establishment of new popular diplomacy for the purpose of influencing and manipulating foreign peoples in a way that achieved States that their objectives in various areas, which requires standing in the research on the concepts of diplomacy, traditional folk diplomacy, and new popular diplomacy, while standing on the concepts approach to the concept of new or related to popular diplomacy In terms of similarities and differences.

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