CARF: the life and times of a frontline magazine

Race & Class ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-97
Author(s):  
Jenny Bourne

A former member of the CARF Collective from the 1970s onwards explains the significance to the anti-racist movement of seventy-two issues of the CARF magazine (1991–2003), now digitalised and available to download on the website of the Institute of Race Relations. She traces the emergence of a grassroots movement in the 1970s which gave primacy to anti-racism over anti-fascism, pointing out also the tensions with ‘the Left’ over such politics, the various forms in which CARF has appeared, the collective way in which it was produced, and the ways in which the magazine conceptualised lived experience and contributed to theory on the changing nature of state and institutional racism.

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mário Theodoro

Este artigo parte da constatação de que a desigualdade no Brasil tem como cerne a questão racial. E exatamente por seu conteúdo racial essa desigualdade é naturalizada pela sociedade. Programas como o Bolsa Família e o Brasil Sem Miséria trouxeram uma significativa redução da pobreza e da miséria, ainda que os níveis de desigualdade e da própria incidência da pobreza e da miséria continuem extremamente altos. A continuidade dessa trajetória, não apenas de erradicação da pobreza e da miséria, mas de construção de uma sociedade de iguais só será garantida se enfrentarmos o cerne dessa desigualdade: o racismo e seus desdobramentos. Há, portanto, a necessidade de que se dê a real importância às políticas de ação afirmativa como complemento indispensável das políticas sociais clássicas e mesmo daquelas direcionadas ao combate à pobreza e à miséria. A sociedade racista molda instituições racistas. O racismo institucional é a forma mais acabada de mecanismo de exclusão e de negação da igualdade. Em um projeto de sociedade democrática e pluralista o Estado deve funcionar como um potencializador das mudanças. E essas mudanças só ocorrerão na medida em que as ações afirmativas forem utilizadas de forma efetiva e associadas ao conjunto das ações governamentais, sem o que continuaremos a reproduzir desigualdades, ainda que em patamares menores de pobreza e miséria.Palavras-chave: Racismo, questão racial, políticas públicas, ações afirmativas---Relaciones raciales, el racismo y las políticas públicas en Brasil contemporáneoEste artículo parte de la constatación de que las desigualdades en Brasil tienen en la cuestión racial su punto neurálgico. Justamente por su contenido racial, las desigualdades han sido naturalizadas por la sociedad. Programas como « Bolsa Familia » y «Brasil Sin Miseria »generaron una reducción significativa de la pobreza y la miseria, a pesar de que los niveles de desigualdad y de la incidencia de la pobreza y la miseria siguen siendo extremadamente altos. La continuación de esta tendencia, no sólo para la erradicación de la pobreza y la miseria, sino para construir una sociedad de iguales sólo se garantizará si nos enfrentamos a la esencia de esta desigualdad: el racismo y sus consecuencias. Por tanto, existe la necesidad de darle una importancia real a las políticas de acción afirmativa como un complemento necesario de las políticas sociales clásicas e incluso de las destinadas a la lucha contra la pobreza y la miseria. Una sociedad racista produce instituciones racistas. El racismo institucional es el mecanismo más eficaz de la exclusión y la negación de la igualdad de condiciones. En un proyecto de sociedad democrática y pluralista, el Estado debe actuar como un potenciador de los cambios. Y estos cambios se producirán en la medida en que la acción afirmativa sea utilizada con eficacia y asociada al conjunto de acciones del gobierno, sin lo cual vamos a seguir reproduciendo las desigualdades, aunque con niveles más bajos de pobreza y miseria.”Palabras-clave: Racismo, problemática racial, políticas públicas, acciones afirmativas---Race relations, racism and public policies in contemporary BrazilThis article stems from the observation that the inequality in Brazil has as its core a racial issue. And it is precisely for its racial content that this inequality is naturalized by society. Programs such as "Bolsa Familia" and "Brasil Sem Miséria" have brought a significant reduction in poverty and misery, even though the levels of inequality and the rate of poverty and misery remain extremely high. The continuation of this trend, not only to eradicate poverty and misery, but to build a society of equals will only be guaranteed if we face the root of this inequality: racism and its consequences. Therefore, there is the need to give real importance to affirmative actions as an indispensable addition to the classical social policies and even those aimed to fight poverty and misery. A racist society creates racist institutions. Institutional racism is the most complete mechanism of exclusion and denial of equality. In a project of democratic and pluralistic society, the state should act as a potentiator of change. And these changes will only occur when affirmative actions are used effectively and when such actions are associated to a set of government actions, without which, we will continue to reproduce inequalities, even at lower levels of poverty and misery.Key words: Racism, racial issues, public policy, affirmative action


2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (9) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Yasmin Nair

<div class="bookreview">David Theo Goldberg, <em>Are We All Postracial Yet? </em>(Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2015), 200 pages, $12.95, paperback.</div><div class="bookreview">Linda Mart&iacute;n Alcoff, <em>The Future of Whiteness </em>(Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2015), 224 pages, $19.95, paperback.</div><p>If we based our understanding of race relations in the United States on the events of the last year alone, it might seem like a racial Armageddon was upon us. Hardly a day seems to pass without a report of yet another black victim of a police shooting. Independent estimates confirm that the prevalence of such incidents has been rising over the past several years.&hellip; What we are witnessing&hellip;is a volatile combination of a rise in violence alongside the increasing visibility of that violence.&hellip; But despite so much evidence that black Americans and other people of color are under attack, nearly half of respondents to a recent Pew survey thought that race was "not a factor at all" in the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, and the same number agreed that the United States has already "made [the] necessary changes" to achieve racial equality.&hellip; And yet&hellip;everywhere there is more evidence than ever that race and its cousin, ethnicity, still define the simple matter of who gets to live or die. Whether in the global refugee crisis, the aftermath of the Paris bombings, or the quotidian ways in which people of color in the United States face the denigration of both casual and institutional racism, one thing is clear: race survives.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-9" title="Vol. 67, No. 9: February 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 107780042110066
Author(s):  
Julia Persky

This work consists of five narrative poems that correspond to five moments, Acts, related to a lesson about institutional racism and White privilege, presented to preservice teachers, via Zoom. That White privilege, White fragility, and institutional racism exist is well established, as is the necessity of commitment to preparing preservice teachers for cultural competence and responsiveness. Therefore, the poetry is presented without a literature review, in an effort to highlight the layered tensions of the author’s lived experience, the precarious positionality of tenure-track faculty, and the potential consequences of choices made, to teach (or not) controversial content.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly Raima Hippolite ◽  
Toni Bruce

In this paper, we argue that the intersection of two key ideologies – New Zealand’s purported history of good race relations, and the positive contribution sport is believed to make to racial equality – has created an environment in which it is difficult to talk about, let alone discuss constructively, Māori experiences of racism in the sport context. Our aim is to put the issue on the agenda by engaging with 10 experienced Māori sport participants, coaches and administrators whose experiences demonstrate the existence of, and pain caused by, cultural and institutional racism in New Zealand sport. In this aim, we do not seek to hide behind a veil of neutrality or objectivity. Rather, following a kaupapa Māori research approach, our interest is in bringing to light the voices, frustrations and concerns of Māori in order to contribute to a much-needed conversation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 93-124
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields

Beyond portraying race relations as a zero-sum economic game, GOP contenders courted southern white voters by championing “colorblindness.” The color-blind message gave white Americans and, particularly, white southerners a way to move past race, while rendering federal programs to counteract institutional racism unnecessary. Replacing race-baiting with race-burying, the Long Southern Strategy catalyzed a political muteness on race that endured and gave rise to a myth of post-racialism. This myth, while attractive to white southern voters, not only misconstrues the degree and nature of racial animus still present in the hearts and minds of many white Americans, but it also fuels Racial Resentment at continued efforts to protect minority civil rights, at politically correct speech, or at efforts to address structural racial inequities.


Author(s):  
Elijah Anderson ◽  
Duke W. Austin ◽  
Craig Lapriece Holloway ◽  
Vani S. Kulkarni

With the racial progress the nation has made over the past half century, including the growth of the black middle class and the election of a black president, many are now prepared to proclaim the United States a postracial society, where egalitarian values most often prevail; race is no longer a significant barrier to power, privilege, and prestige; and racial prejudice is mostly a thing of the past. When observed ethnographically, the lived experience of race relations suggests a different view and conceptual framework. As the legacy of racial caste, the color line persists in social interaction and is evident in racially determined perspectives and local working conceptions that order race relations and contribute to persistent racial inequality. Indeed, the claim of a postracial society is an ideological discourse that denies continuing patterns of race relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 053331642110084
Author(s):  
Anthea Benjamin ◽  
Sarah Tucker

This article describes the thinking and processes involved in initiating the National Diversity Working Group: Power, Privilege and Position (PPP) at the Institute of Group Analysis (IGA) in the UK. It argues that while group analysis is in theory distinguished by a commitment to engaging in power differences and wider socio-political issues, this theory has not hitherto been deeply reflected in practice in the institutional culture of the IGA, reflecting a disconnect between theory and practice. This article suggests that in practice there has been lived experience of a culture of various institutional prejudices. In this context there was an increasingly urgent need to take action to address the intransigent culture around power and difference at the IGA. The PPP was needed as a response to the entrenched anti-group processes at work in maintaining institutional prejudices. Positive responses to addressing institutional racism have created opportunities for organizational change. The article explores how the PPP working group’s responses to addressing institutional racism worked to support organizational change and how this work has been instituted throughout the wider community. The article emphasizes how in response to the Black Lives Matter movement (BLM), issues concerning race have recently become focal in the PPP’s life and therefore form the focus of the article. Drawing on Brown’s notion of the ‘Monitor of Justice’ it argues that in setting up the PPP there was a harnessing of hitherto marginalized but pro-social group norms in the IGA culture in the face of anti-social institutional prejudice. In this context the article contains a detailed reflection of the lived experience of a black group analyst taking on a key leadership role in the organization by becoming the Chair of the PPP. It describes how under this leadership, working collaboratively with colleagues, PPP has become a highly innovative and creative centrifugal force in the IGA within two years. It tracks the process of culture change and how creating a safe space for experiences of marginalization within organizations can lead to wider system changes that increase inclusivity. When institutions can remain open and not become defensive about these experiences, this can lead to the wider culture being able to integrate these important experiences and adapt.


1975 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 619-621
Author(s):  
IRWIN KATZ
Keyword(s):  

1996 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-85
Author(s):  
Terri Gullickson ◽  
Pamela Ramser
Keyword(s):  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document