scholarly journals Relações raciais, racismo e políticas públicas no Brasil contemporâneo

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mário Theodoro

Este artigo parte da constatação de que a desigualdade no Brasil tem como cerne a questão racial. E exatamente por seu conteúdo racial essa desigualdade é naturalizada pela sociedade. Programas como o Bolsa Família e o Brasil Sem Miséria trouxeram uma significativa redução da pobreza e da miséria, ainda que os níveis de desigualdade e da própria incidência da pobreza e da miséria continuem extremamente altos. A continuidade dessa trajetória, não apenas de erradicação da pobreza e da miséria, mas de construção de uma sociedade de iguais só será garantida se enfrentarmos o cerne dessa desigualdade: o racismo e seus desdobramentos. Há, portanto, a necessidade de que se dê a real importância às políticas de ação afirmativa como complemento indispensável das políticas sociais clássicas e mesmo daquelas direcionadas ao combate à pobreza e à miséria. A sociedade racista molda instituições racistas. O racismo institucional é a forma mais acabada de mecanismo de exclusão e de negação da igualdade. Em um projeto de sociedade democrática e pluralista o Estado deve funcionar como um potencializador das mudanças. E essas mudanças só ocorrerão na medida em que as ações afirmativas forem utilizadas de forma efetiva e associadas ao conjunto das ações governamentais, sem o que continuaremos a reproduzir desigualdades, ainda que em patamares menores de pobreza e miséria.Palavras-chave: Racismo, questão racial, políticas públicas, ações afirmativas---Relaciones raciales, el racismo y las políticas públicas en Brasil contemporáneoEste artículo parte de la constatación de que las desigualdades en Brasil tienen en la cuestión racial su punto neurálgico. Justamente por su contenido racial, las desigualdades han sido naturalizadas por la sociedad. Programas como « Bolsa Familia » y «Brasil Sin Miseria »generaron una reducción significativa de la pobreza y la miseria, a pesar de que los niveles de desigualdad y de la incidencia de la pobreza y la miseria siguen siendo extremadamente altos. La continuación de esta tendencia, no sólo para la erradicación de la pobreza y la miseria, sino para construir una sociedad de iguales sólo se garantizará si nos enfrentamos a la esencia de esta desigualdad: el racismo y sus consecuencias. Por tanto, existe la necesidad de darle una importancia real a las políticas de acción afirmativa como un complemento necesario de las políticas sociales clásicas e incluso de las destinadas a la lucha contra la pobreza y la miseria. Una sociedad racista produce instituciones racistas. El racismo institucional es el mecanismo más eficaz de la exclusión y la negación de la igualdad de condiciones. En un proyecto de sociedad democrática y pluralista, el Estado debe actuar como un potenciador de los cambios. Y estos cambios se producirán en la medida en que la acción afirmativa sea utilizada con eficacia y asociada al conjunto de acciones del gobierno, sin lo cual vamos a seguir reproduciendo las desigualdades, aunque con niveles más bajos de pobreza y miseria.”Palabras-clave: Racismo, problemática racial, políticas públicas, acciones afirmativas---Race relations, racism and public policies in contemporary BrazilThis article stems from the observation that the inequality in Brazil has as its core a racial issue. And it is precisely for its racial content that this inequality is naturalized by society. Programs such as "Bolsa Familia" and "Brasil Sem Miséria" have brought a significant reduction in poverty and misery, even though the levels of inequality and the rate of poverty and misery remain extremely high. The continuation of this trend, not only to eradicate poverty and misery, but to build a society of equals will only be guaranteed if we face the root of this inequality: racism and its consequences. Therefore, there is the need to give real importance to affirmative actions as an indispensable addition to the classical social policies and even those aimed to fight poverty and misery. A racist society creates racist institutions. Institutional racism is the most complete mechanism of exclusion and denial of equality. In a project of democratic and pluralistic society, the state should act as a potentiator of change. And these changes will only occur when affirmative actions are used effectively and when such actions are associated to a set of government actions, without which, we will continue to reproduce inequalities, even at lower levels of poverty and misery.Key words: Racism, racial issues, public policy, affirmative action

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (100) ◽  
pp. 595-618
Author(s):  
Moema De Poli Teixeira

Abstract One of the principal aspects to develop affirmative action in Brazil comprises how to define target population, which includes uses and perceptions of ethnic/racial/color categories. The present paper has the main objective of bringing the analysis about IBGE’s2 race/color classifications contribute to the design of affirmative action in Brazil using categories historically constructed with the endorsement of official statistics. The color issues in the Brazilian Census and the experiences, including the racial designation as an open response, has been studied since 1872, and it is noted that there are two dimensions to be observed in the affirmative action debate: a structural and other cultural involving race/color classifications in Brazil. The statistics are fundamental to build the best evidence in shaping public policy. On the other hand, we must recognize ethnic and racial identities as cultural phenomena that are susceptible to change, which drives us to continue the discussion, trying to capture the meaning of these transformations. The affirmative action debate may not disqualify any of these approaches to knowledge about race relations in Brazil.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Forcese

The expression "national security" or its close similes lacks a precise meaning, even in the public policy literature. Nevertheless, the concept appears in over 30 federal statutes. In most instances, the term is undefined, an important oversight in light of the significant powers these statutes accord the government. Under these circumstances, how courts review government invocations of "national security" is of real importance. With some exceptions, courts applying s. 7 of the Charter and standard administrative law doctrines have accorded substantial deference to government national security determinations. When largely deferential substantive review of the ambiguous concept of national security is coupled with the ex parti and in camera context in which these cases are often heard, the net effect is to leave government with a freer hand in national security matters than in other domains of administrative decision making. Several possible responses to this problem are proposed.


Race & Class ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-97
Author(s):  
Jenny Bourne

A former member of the CARF Collective from the 1970s onwards explains the significance to the anti-racist movement of seventy-two issues of the CARF magazine (1991–2003), now digitalised and available to download on the website of the Institute of Race Relations. She traces the emergence of a grassroots movement in the 1970s which gave primacy to anti-racism over anti-fascism, pointing out also the tensions with ‘the Left’ over such politics, the various forms in which CARF has appeared, the collective way in which it was produced, and the ways in which the magazine conceptualised lived experience and contributed to theory on the changing nature of state and institutional racism.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt

This chapter demonstrates how assumptions of racial superiority and inferiority tightly bound together statistical races, social science, and public policy. The starting point of this is constitutional language. The U.S. Constitution required a census of the white, the black, and the red races. Without this statistical compromise there would not have been a United States as it is today. In the early censuses slaves were counted as three-fifths of a person, a ratio demanded by slaveholder interests as the price of joining the Union. A deep policy disagreement at the moment of founding the nation was resolved in the creation of a statistical race. Later in American history the reverse frequently occurred. Specific policies—affirmative action, for example—took the shape they did because the statistical races were already at hand.


Author(s):  
Simon Peplow

This closing chapter initially examines the nature of and differing reactions to the events of 1980–1, before providing an overview of the subsequent developments since, in terms of race, policing, protest, and public inquiries. It shows how the legacy of 1980–1 had a differing impact upon various aspects: for example, it cannot be said to have vastly altered authorities’ views on racial issues or the police’s attitudes towards accountability and policing by consent – other than increasingly hardening views towards combatting public disorder. While there have been a number of advancements – such as municipal antiracist programmes, increasing presence for black and minority ethnic politicians, widespread acknowledgement of police ‘institutional racism’ – recent statistics regarding the policing of minority ethnic groups and deaths in police custody demonstrate many of the issues remain unresolved.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian R. Grose ◽  
Jordan Carr Peterson

Do attitudes of elected officials toward racial issues change when the issues are portrayed as economic? Traditionally, scholars have presented Confederate symbols as primarily a racial issue: elites supporting their eradication from public life tend to emphasize the association of Confederate symbols with slavery and institutionalized racism, while those elected officials who oppose the removal of Confederate symbols often cite the heritage of white southerners. In addition to these racial explanations, we argue that there is an economic component underlying support for removal of Confederate symbols among political elites. Racial issues can also be economic issues, and framing a racial issue as an economic issue can change elite attitudes. In the case of removal of Confederate symbols, the presence of such imagery is considered harmful to business. Two survey experiments of elected officials in eleven U.S. southern states show that framing the decision to remove Confederate symbols as good for business causes those elected officials to favor removing the Confederate flag from public spaces. Elected officials can be susceptible to framing, just like regular citizens.


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