Qujing (取经) as policy mobility with Chinese characteristics: A case study of ultralow-energy building policy in China

2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2096073
Author(s):  
Yu Zhou

This article introduces the concept and practice of qujing as a Chinese state-organized form of policy mobility. The term qujing originates in the journey of a Tang Dynasty monk Xuanzang who brought Buddhism’s sutras from India to China in the 7th century; qujing has been appropriated by modern Chinese leaders to promote learning from the experiences of other regions. In post-reform China, qujing has become routinized within the Chinese bureaucracy as an integral step in its distinctive experimentalist governance. By bringing insights from the literature of China’s policy experimentation to situate trans-local learning, I challenge the disproportionate attention the policy mobility literature has paid to local and transnational actors in mobilizing policies under neoliberalism. Instead, I locate the origins, agency, and knowledge mutation of Chinese qujing within the multi-scalar policy experimentation protocols of China’s authoritarian regime. This article contrasts qujing with generalized patterns of policy mobility in the existing literature, thereby decentering political mobility research from more familiar western political contexts and actors. Using multi-year interviews and official documents, I trace China’s introduction of ultralow-energy passive building from Germany as a case-study to show the relationships between foreign learning ( qujing), local experimentation, and policy making in greening China’s built environment.

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Anna Sokolova

This article explores regional Buddhist monasteries in Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE) China, including their arrangement, functions, and sources for their study. Specifically, as a case study, it considers the reconstruction of the Kaiyuan monastery 開元寺 in Sizhou 泗州 (present-day Jiangsu Province) with reference to the works of three prominent state officials and scholars: Bai Juyi 白居易 (772–846), Li Ao 李翱 (772–841), and Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824). The writings of these literati allow us to trace the various phases of the monastery’s reconstruction, fundraising activities, and the network of individuals who participated in the project. We learn that the rebuilt multi-compound complex not only provided living areas for masses of pilgrims, traders, and workers but also functioned as a barrier that protected the populations of Sizhou and neighboring prefectures from flooding. Moreover, when viewed from a broader perspective, the renovation of the Kaiyuan monastery demonstrates that Buddhist construction projects played a pivotal role in the social and economic development of Tang China’s major metropolises as well as its regions.


2004 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunnar Kaati ◽  
Michael Sjöström ◽  
Monika Vester

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 682-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Houri Jafari ◽  
A. Vakili ◽  
H. Eshraghi ◽  
A. Hamidinezhad ◽  
I. Naseri

Author(s):  
Ruth McGinity

This chapter reports on data and analysis to theorise the role that both corporate and political elites played in the development and enactment of localised policy-making at Kingswood Academy; a secondary school in the North of England. The analysis offered reveals how a single case-study school provides an important site to explore the ways in which the educational policy environment provides the conditions for elites to play a significant role in the development and delivery of localised policy processes in England. Bourdieu (1986; 1992) provides the thinking tools to undertake this theoretical and intellectual work, and I deploy his conceptualisation of misrecognition as a means of interrogating how the involvement of corporate and political elites in the processes of localised policy-making reproduces the hierarchised power of particular networks, which ultimately contribute to the privatisation of educational ‘goods’ as marketised commodities.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Shelton ◽  
Thomas Lodato

In response to the mounting criticism of emerging ‘smart cities’ strategies around the world, a number of individuals and institutions have attempted to pivot from discussions of smart cities towards a focus on ‘smart citizens’. While the smart citizen is most often seen as a kind of foil for those more stereotypically top-down, neoliberal, and repressive visions of the smart city that have been widely critiqued within the literature, this paper argues for an attention to the ‘actually existing smart citizen’, which plays a much messier and more ambivalent role in practice. This paper proposes the dual figures of ‘the general citizen’ and ‘the absent citizen’ as a heuristic for thinking about how the lines of inclusion and exclusion are drawn for citizens, both discursively and materially, in the actual making of the smart city. These figures are meant to highlight how the universal and unspecified figure of ‘the citizen’ is discursively deployed to justify smart city policies, while at the same time, actual citizens remain largely excluded from such decision and policy-making processes. Using a case study of Atlanta, Georgia and its ongoing smart cities initiatives, we argue that while the participation of citizens is crucial to any truly democratic mode of urban governance, the emerging discourse around the promise of smart citizenship fails to capture the realities of how citizens are actually discussed and enrolled in the making of these policies.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Jeong-Yong Kim

This article presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilization of economic engagement strategy as security policy. The model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options that go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations. As a case study, the article investigates Hyundai Group's Mountain Kumgang tourism with North Korea. In this case study, it demonstrates that not only the Kim Dae-Jung government's strong policy-making will of business-track diplomacy towards North Korea but also the Hyundai Group's business will and vulnerability of the North Korean economy played important roles in realizing the tour project and thus, enhanced inter-Korean economic cooperation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 1099-1110 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Giné Garriga ◽  
A. Pérez Foguet

The Water Poverty Index (WPI) has been recognized as a useful tool in policy analysis. The index integrates various physical, social and environmental aspects to enable more holistic assessment of water resources. However, soundness of this tool relies on two complementary aspects: (i) inadequate techniques employed in index construction would produce unreliable results, and (ii) poor dissemination of final outcome would reduce applicability of the index to influence policy-making. From a methodological point of view, a revised alternative to calculate the index was developed in a previous study. This paper is therefore concerned not with the method employed in index construction, but with how the composite can be applied to support decision-making processes. In particular, the paper examines different approaches to exploit the index as a policy tool. A number of alternatives to disseminate achieved results are presented. The implications of applying the composite at different spatial scales are highlighted. Turkana District, in Kenya has been selected as initial case study to test the applicability and validity of the index. The paper concludes that the WPI approach provides a relevant tool for guiding appropriate action and policy-making towards more equitable allocation of water resources.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tata Chanturidze ◽  
Orvill Adams ◽  
Bolat Tokezhanov ◽  
Mike Naylor ◽  
Erica Richardson

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