Social Exclusion as a State-Level Predictor of Changes in Collateral Sanctions

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Plassmeyer ◽  
Shannon Sliva
Keyword(s):  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Affordable Housing ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Fiscal Health ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Collateral Sanctions

Collateral sanctions are civil penalties or disabilities imposed upon people who are arrested, charged, or convicted of a crime. Little research is available concerning state-level predictors of these policies in the United States. Current research suggests that racial threat and political conservatism are associated with harsher sanctions or more restrictions in the realms of employment, housing, social benefits, and other categories. Using state report cards from the Legal Action Center, this study builds on existing knowledge by testing the relationship between state-level variables consistent with a social exclusion framework and collateral sanctions policies while also testing the relationship between social exclusion and changes in these policies over time. Results indicate that higher levels of social exclusion, measured by affordable housing scarcity, public benefit usage, and state fiscal health, may play a role in the adoption of state collateral sanction policies over time. In contrast to previous research, results offer mixed evidence regarding the relationship between the racial makeup of the state and the adoption of collateral sanctions policies. Policy implications are discussed.

Trust in Government and the American Public’s Responsiveness to Rising Inequality

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Macdonald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
State Level ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trust In Government ◽  
Combine Data ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Relationship

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.

State-Level Sexism and Women’s Health Care Access in the United States: Differences by Race/Ethnicity, 2014–2019

2021 ◽  
pp. e1-e10
Author(s):  
Kristen Schorpp Rapp ◽  
Vanessa V. Volpe ◽  
Hannah Neukrug
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Health Care Access ◽  
Hispanic Women ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Barriers To Health Care ◽  
Care Access ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Barriers To Health

Objectives. To quantify racial/ethnic differences in the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic women in the United States. Methods. We merged a multidimensional state-level sexism index compiled from administrative data with the national Consumer Survey of Health Care Access (2014–2019; n = 10 898) to test associations between exposure to state-level sexism and barriers to access, availability, and affordability of health care. Results. Greater exposure to state-level sexism was associated with more barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic women, but not non-Hispanic White women. Affordability barriers (cost of medical bills, health insurance, prescriptions, and tests) appeared to drive these associations. More frequent need for care exacerbated the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to care for Hispanic women. Conclusions. The relationship between state-level sexism and women’s barriers to health care access differs by race/ethnicity and frequency of needing care. Public Health Implications. State-level policies may be used strategically to promote health care equity at the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print September 2, 2021: e1–e10. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306455 )

scholarly journals The evolution of infant mortality inequality in the United States, 1960–2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (29) ◽  
pp. eaba5908
Author(s):  
Nick Turner ◽  
Kaveh Danesh ◽  
Kelsey Moran
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Infant Mortality ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
County Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Antipoverty Programs ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Mortality Inequality

What is the relationship between infant mortality and poverty in the United States and how has it changed over time? We address this question by analyzing county-level data between 1960 and 2016. Our estimates suggest that level differences in mortality rates between the poorest and least poor counties decreased meaningfully between 1960 and 2000. Nearly three-quarters of the decrease occurred between 1960 and 1980, coincident with the introduction of antipoverty programs and improvements in medical care for infants. We estimate that declining inequality accounts for 18% of the national reduction in infant mortality between 1960 and 2000. However, we also find that level differences between the poorest and least poor counties remained constant between 2000 and 2016, suggesting an important role for policies that improve the health of infants in poor areas.

Values and Political Predispositions in the Age of Polarization: Examining the Relationship between Partisanship and Ideology in the United States, 1988–2012

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert N. Lupton ◽  
Steven M. Smallpage ◽  
Adam M. Enders
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Belief Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
Core Values ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

The correlation between ideology and partisanship in the mass public has increased in recent decades amid a climate of persistent and growing elite polarization. Given that core values shape subsequent political predispositions, as well as the demonstrated asymmetry of elite polarization, this article hypothesizes that egalitarianism and moral traditionalism moderate the relationship between ideology and partisanship in that the latter relationship will have increased over time only among individuals who maintain conservative value orientations. An analysis of pooled American National Election Studies surveys from 1988 to 2012 supports this hypothesis. The results enhance scholarly understanding of the role of core values in shaping mass belief systems and testify to the asymmetric nature and mass public reception of elite cues among liberals and conservatives.

How Courts Structure State-Level Representation

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P. Kastellec
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
State Courts ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Structure State ◽  
The Relationship

I examine how courts condition the relationship between state-level public opinion and policy. The system of federalism in the United States allows federal and state courts to establish the types of policies that states are constitutionally allowed to implement. In particular, federal courts can set “federal floors” for policy, below which no states can go. State courts, in turn, can raise the level of this floor. Thus, both federal and state courts shape whether state policy can match the preferences of the median voter in a given state. Analyzing data on public opinion, judicial decisions, and state-level policy on the issue of abortion, from 1973 to 2012, I show that changes in the set of allowable abortion restrictions, according to the combined decisions of state and federal courts, significantly affect whether states implement majority-preferred policies. I also show that ignoring the influence of courts on the policymaking environment significantly affects the estimated level of policy congruence and thus conclusions about the scope of representation. These results demonstrate the importance of placing courts in the larger study of state-level representation.

scholarly journals In Defense of Tradition: Religiosity, Conservatism, and Opposition to Same-Sex Marriage in North America

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (10) ◽  
pp. 1455-1468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jojanneke van der Toorn ◽  
John T. Jost ◽  
Dominic J. Packer ◽  
Sharareh Noorbaloochi ◽  
Jay J. Van Bavel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Resistance To Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sexual Prejudice ◽  
Mediating Effect ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
The Relationship

Arguments opposing same-sex marriage are often made on religious grounds. In five studies conducted in the United States and Canada (combined N = 1,673), we observed that religious opposition to same-sex marriage was explained, at least in part, by conservative ideology and linked to sexual prejudice. In Studies 1 and 2, we discovered that the relationship between religiosity and opposition to same-sex marriage was mediated by explicit sexual prejudice. In Study 3, we saw that the mediating effect of sexual prejudice was linked to political conservatism. Finally, in Studies 4a and 4b we examined the ideological underpinnings of religious opposition to same-sex marriage in more detail by taking into account two distinct aspects of conservative ideology. Results revealed that resistance to change was more important than opposition to equality in explaining religious opposition to same-sex marriage.

scholarly journals Fertility and Childlessness in the United States

2015 ◽  
Vol 105 (6) ◽  
pp. 1852-1882 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Baudin ◽  
David de la Croix ◽  
Paula E. Gobbi
Keyword(s):  
Opportunity Cost ◽  
The United States ◽  
Extensive Margin ◽  
Factor Productivity ◽  
Historical Trends ◽  
Marriage Rates ◽  
High Opportunity Cost ◽  
Us Census ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

We develop a theory of fertility, distinguishing its intensive margin from its extensive margin. The deep parameters are identified using facts from the 1990 US Census: (i) fertility of mothers decreases with education; (ii) childlessness exhibits a U-shaped relationship with education; (iii) the relationship between marriage rates and education is hump-shaped for women and increasing for men. We estimate that 2.5 percent of women were childless because of poverty and 8.1 percent because of high opportunity cost of childrearing. Over time, historical trends in total factor productivity and in education led to a U-shaped response in childlessness rates while fertility of mothers decreased. (JEL I20, J13, J16, N31, N32)

scholarly journals The Partisan Mask: Political Orientation, Collectivism, and Religiosity Predict Mask Use During COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hohjin Im ◽  
Peiyi Wang ◽  
Chuansheng Chen
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Strong Correlate ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Socioeconomic And Demographic Factors

In the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic became an unconventional vehicle to advance partisan rhetoric and antagonism. Using data available at the individual- (Study 1; N = 4,220), county- (Study 2; n = 3,046), and state-level (n = 49), we found that partisanship and political orientation was a robust and strong correlate of mask use. Political conservatism and Republican partisanship were related to downplaying the severity of COVID-19 and perceiving masks as being ineffective that, in turn, were related to lower mask use. In contrast, we found that counties with majority Democrat partisanship reported greater mask use, controlling for various socioeconomic and demographic factors. Lastly, states with strong cultural collectivism reported greater mask use while those with strong religiosity reported the opposite. States with greater Democrat partisanship and strong cultural collectivism subsequently reported lower COVID-19 deaths, mediated by greater mask use and lower COVID-19 cases, in the five months following the second wave of COVID-19 in the US during the Summer of 2020. Nonetheless, more than the majority for Democrats (91.58%), Republicans (77.52%), and third-party members (82.48%) reported using masks. Implications for findings are discussed.

scholarly journals Causal Nexus between Government Debt, Exports and Economic Growth for Three Eurozone Countries: A Panel Data Analysis

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Dritsakis ◽  
Pavlos Stamatiou
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Panel Data ◽  
Government Debt ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mortgage Market ◽  
Least Square ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Ordinary Least Square ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Relationship

<em>The relationship between government debt, exports and economic growth has been the focus of a considerable number of academic studies in recent years. The economic crisis, which started in the United States mortgage market, quickly went global when mortgage-backed securities traded by financial institutions. Europe’s response was immediate regarding the measures to tackle the crisis. The establishment of common strategies was the long term goal of the European Union (EU). This paper examines the relationship between government debt, exports and economic growth in the EU countries with the highest level of government debt, using panel data over the period 1990-2014. The Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square (FMOLS) and Dynamic Ordinary Least Square (DOLS) methods are used to estimate the long run relationship between the variables. In addition, the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) is used in order to investigate the causal relationship between the examined variables. The empirical results of the study revealed that there are both short and long run relationships. Findings suggest that that there is a unidirectional causality running from exports to economic growth as well as from exports and economic growth to government debt. The results provide evidence to support the export led-growth hypothesis. Exports are an important factor for economic development. Moreover, the results reveal that government debt is affected by exports both directly and indirectly through economic growth. Policy implications are then explored in the conclusions.</em>

scholarly journals High-stakes testing and student achievement: Updated analyses with NAEP data

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Nichols ◽  
Gene Glass ◽  
David Berliner
Keyword(s):  
Student Achievement ◽  
State Level ◽  
High Stakes Testing ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Pressure Index ◽  
Reading And Math ◽  
Positive Correlations ◽  
The Relationship

The present research is a follow-up study of earlier published analyses that looked at the relationship between high-stakes testing pressure and student achievement in 25 states. Using the previously derived Accountability Pressure Index (APR) as a measure of state-level policy pressure for performance on standardized tests, a series of correlation analyses was conducted to explore relationships between high-stakes testing accountability pressure and student achievement as measured by the National Assessment for Education Progress (NAEP) in reading and math. Consistent with earlier work, stronger positive correlations between the pressure index and NAEP performance in fourth grade math and weaker connections between pressure and fourth and eighth grade reading performance were found. Policy implications and future directions for research are discussed.

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