How Gender and Ethnicity Affected Primary Coverage

1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Powers ◽  
Shirley Serini ◽  
Susan Johnson

Media coverage of a white, male candidate was the most issue-oriented, but coverage of a female candidate was the most favorable in the 1994 Illinois Democratic gubernatorial primary election.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Noetzel ◽  
Class of 2019

This project asks readers to consider what factors influence women to enter races for U.S. Congress and why some districts are more “women friendly” than others. While multiple studies have been done that examine factors such as gendered media bias, cultural and society gender norms, and institutional factors in explaining the dearth of female candidates, there is little research on how different demographic elements of congressional districts effect a woman’s decision to run in a primary election. Hence, I examine the various sociopolitical factors of congressional districts that are unique to a district, such as unemployment rate, high school and college graduation rate, median household income, and a variety of other political variables to determine if they have any effect on the presence of a female candidate within that respective district’s primary election. This potential relationship will be studied by collecting data on the number of women who ran in either the Democratic or Republican primary during the 2016 election (the first year with no increase in the number of women in Congress in the past decades). I will also study if any of the district variables have varying effects across party lines, for example, if median household income shows an increase in women in the Democratic primary versus women in the Republican primary. Women are much more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than men, and women, in general, are likely elected in different districts than men.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 499-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malose Langa ◽  
Adele Kirsten ◽  
Brett Bowman ◽  
Gill Eagle ◽  
Peace Kiguwa

This article explores the social representation of black masculinities as violent in the globally publicized case of the murder by Oscar Pistorius of his girlfriend, Reeva Steenkamp. This murder and the subsequent media interest it generated highlighted the manner in which fear of crime in South Africa, particularly amongst certain sectors of the population such as white, male gun owners and gun lobbyists, (including Pistorius and his family members) contributed to assertions about their right to own guns to defend their families and possessions against this perceived threat. Such claims were made despite statistical evidence showing that black South Africans are more likely to be victims of violent crime than white South Africans. Drawing upon media coverage of the trial, this article critically discusses the intersection between masculinity and racial identity with a particular focus on gun ownership as a symbol of hegemonic white manhood, and the parallel construction of black masculinities as violent and dangerous. The Oscar Pistorius trial offers rich material for this analysis: his entire defence was based on the view that the intruder he feared was almost certainly a black man who, as a legitimate target for the use of lethal force in self-defence, deserved to die from the four bullets fired through a closed door. It is argued that in his absence, the black man was ever-present at the Oscar Pistorius trial as a threatening figure whose calling into being was revealing of how black masculinities continue to be represented, relayed and received in particular ways in post-apartheid South Africa.


2020 ◽  
pp. 149-182
Author(s):  
Leslie Dorrough Smith

Chapter 5 shows how the media’s portrayal of sex scandals may appear to hold wayward politicians responsible, but ends up reinforcing a white heterosexual double standard influenced by evangelical thinking. This occurs when white male politicians are portrayed as shameful but relatively benign while the women around them (including their wives) are often equally shamed. The chapter examines the conditions behind today’s sex scandal reporting, including the 1980s televangelist sex scandals and other Reagan-era events that heightened public interest in journalism on sex. It examines multiples media frames used to portray white politicians as silly, their lovers as immoral, and their wives as unattractive and power-hungry or silent and weak. A case study compares the media coverage of Anthony Weiner with that of Arnold Schwarzenegger to show that stereotypes about Weiner’s Jewish identity and his virtual sexting habit rendered him a much weaker figure than Schwarzenegger, whose sex scandals were almost non-events.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Georgia Anderson-Nilsson ◽  
Amanda Clayton

Abstract Are policy arguments more or less persuasive when they are made by female politicians? Using a diverse sample of American respondents, we conduct a survey experiment which randomly varies the gender associated with two co-partisan candidates across four policy debates. We find strong effects contingent on respondent partisanship and gender, most notably on the issue of access to birth control. On this issue, regardless of the candidate's stance, Democratic respondents, particularly Democratic men, are much more likely to agree with the female candidate. Conversely, Republican respondents, particularly Republican women, are much more likely to agree with the male candidate. We discuss the implications of our findings for the meaning of gender as a heuristic in a highly partisan environment.


Author(s):  
Kelly Dittmar ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu ◽  
Kathleen Rogers

From foundational works on women’s entry into the masculine sphere of politics to the most recent debates over the causes of gender disparities in participation and officeholding, academic research has asked how women navigate, succeed in, and influence political campaigns as candidates and voters. A central issue of scholarly debate has been the causes of and barriers to female candidate emergence. Early scholarship shifted from emphasizing social and psychological factors influencing women’s decision to run to focusing on structural factors impeding women’s entry and election to office. However, more recent work on political ambition has reignited this debate, with studies recognizing the relationship between social and structural factors in shaping female candidate recruitment and selection. This debate is grounded on a shared perception of the gendered nature of American politics and elections. Scholars examine the influence of gender stereotypes on elite perceptions in candidate recruitment, voter expectations and evaluations of candidates, and candidate strategy. Intersectional approaches to understanding gender and electoral dynamics have enriched this research, pushing scholars to grapple with distinct realities for political actors at the intersections of multiple identities, experiences, and stereotypical expectations. Gender dynamics vary as well by type and level of office, as have the data available and methodologies used to study women’s candidacies. Research on women’s election to office has employed multiple methodological tools, including multivariate analyses of electoral outcomes across campaign conditions; surveys of voters, potential candidates, officeholders, and political practitioners; experimental testing of gender effects on perceptions and evaluations; analyses of campaign output and media coverage; interviews with party leaders and political consultants; and case studies of political campaigns. Surveys and analyses of voter data have served as the primary methodologies used to investigate women’s political participation in American elections. However, the operationalization of “participation” itself has spurred scholarly debate, with gender and race research seeking to expand existing measures of what is deemed political; scholars have waged similar critiques against methodologies and measures used to evaluate political knowledge. As with research on women candidates, the study of women’s political participation confronts questions about gender roles and women’s transition from the private to the public sphere first made starkly evident through women’s winning and exercise of the vote. A major literature has developed, particularly since the 1980s, on the gender gap in public opinion, party identification, and voting, demonstrating the evolution of women’s influence and behavior as voters. Scholars examine the implications of women’s louder political voice to demonstrate women’s electoral impact both on and before Election Day.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630512110629
Author(s):  
Diana Zulli ◽  
Terri L. Towner

This study examines how Instagram’s design and norms influence expectations for political imagery and, subsequently, the effects of these images on electability, vote likelihood, and candidate evaluations. Using the Elaboration Likelihood Model, we propose three norms of Instagram that likely function as heuristic cues and affect the reception of political visual communication on the platform: liveness, authenticity, and emotionality. We experimentally test these visual features on Congressional candidate images, finding some evidence that live, authentic, and emotional images positively influence vote likelihood but negatively impact electability. Results also indicate that live, authentic, and emotional images either have no or negative effects on female candidate evaluations or have no or positive effects on male candidate evaluations.


Author(s):  
Kjersten Nelson

Abstract The 2020 Democratic presidential primary unfolded in a context with significant attention to issues of racial and gender inequality and identity. The field began as an historically diverse one but a white male candidate received the party's endorsement. Did the race and gender attitudes of Democratic primary and caucus participants play a role in shaping the pool of candidates? Using a survey of self-identified Democrats, this study provides evidence that racial resentment, hostile sexism, and modern sexism enhanced the assessments on several evaluative criteria of the white male candidate, while depressing the assessment of the Black woman candidate. These relationships are driven primarily by white respondents. These findings add to our understanding of how race and gender attitudes affect the electoral process well before the general election, particularly by shaping the ultimate choice of candidates in that contest.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (02) ◽  
pp. 326-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Reuning ◽  
Nick Dietrich

Donald Trump’s success in the 2016 presidential primary election prompted scrutiny for the role of news media in elections. Was Trump successful because news media publicized his campaign and crowded out coverage of other candidates? We examine the dynamic relationships between media coverage, public interest, and support for candidates in the time preceding the 2016 Republican presidential primary to determine (1) whether media coverage drives support for candidates at the polls and (2) whether this relationship was different for Trump than for other candidates. We find for all candidates that the quantity of media coverage had significant and long-lasting effects on public interest in that candidate. Most candidates do not perform better in the polls following increases in media coverage. Trump is an exception to this finding, receiving a modest polling bump following an increase in media coverage. These findings suggest that viability cues from news media contributed to Trump’s success and can be influential in setting the stage in primary elections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110431
Author(s):  
Danny Hayes ◽  
Jennifer L. Lawless

Although the landscape for female candidates in U.S. politics has improved, research continues to find that many voters possess sexist attitudes. We rely on a standard political communication framework to help reconcile sexism in the electorate with increasingly favorable outcomes for women in primary elections. Based on two national survey experiments, we first demonstrate that in the absence of gendered campaign rhetoric, sexism is a weak predictor of support for female candidates on both sides of the political aisle. We then show, however, that when a male candidate attempts to activate sexism among voters by attacking a female opponent, gender attitudes become more salient—but not to the woman’s disadvantage. In a Democratic primary, gendered attacks backfire and lead to a significant boost in support for the female candidate. On the Republican side, a male candidate does not face the same backlash, but the attacks do very little to depress his female opponent’s support. While the persistence of hostile attitudes toward women has slowed the march toward gender equality in society, our experimental results suggest that sexism exerts only contingent effects in primary elections and not systematically to female candidates’ detriment.


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