Rethinking Volunteering as a Form of Unpaid Work

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Overgaard

This article aims to problematize the ways in which volunteering is presently conceptualized, theorized, and studied by positioning it as a form of unpaid labor. Over six focal points, the article highlights areas that deserve closer scrutiny: the question of when volunteering is work; the formal–informal and paid–unpaid distinctions of work; the notion of “choice,” especially volunteering as the lack of paid work choices; the assumption that volunteer work is similar to informal work; and a recognition that volunteering consists of many different forms of activities, not just one.

2021 ◽  
pp. 089124322110012
Author(s):  
Meir Yaish ◽  
Hadas Mandel ◽  
Tali Kristal

The economic shutdown and national lockdown following the outbreak of COVID-19 have increased demand for unpaid work at home, particularly among families with children, and reduced demand for paid work. Concurrently, the share of the workforce that has relocated its workplace to home has also increased. In this article, we examine the consequences of these processes for the allocation of time among paid work, housework, and care work for men and women in Israel. Using data on 2,027 Israeli adults whom we followed since the first week of March (before the spread of COVID-19), we focus on the effect of the second lockdown in Israel (in September) on the gender division of both paid and unpaid work. We find that as demand for housework caused by the lockdown increases, women—especially with children—increase their housework much more than men do, particularly when they work from home. The consequences of work from home and other flexible work arrangements for gender inequality within the family are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110489
Author(s):  
Ara A. Francis

The emerging occupations of end-of-life doula and death midwife are part of a growing sector of personal service jobs. Designed to support, educate, and empower dying people and their loved ones, these new roles entail both the commodification of women’s unpaid labor and a repositioning of the paid work typically done by marginalized women. This study examines the identity talk of 19 occupational pioneers and focuses on the relationship between gender, class, race, and efforts to secure occupational legitimacy. Findings suggest that, in an effort to mitigate tensions stemming from the professionalization of feminized work, these pioneers strategically embrace a feminine occupational identity in ways that code their labor as White and middle class.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Cheryl Carcel ◽  
Sara Farnbach ◽  
Beverley M. Essue ◽  
Qiang Li ◽  
Nick Glozier ◽  
...  

Background: While returning to paid work is a crucial marker of stroke recovery, little is known about the differences in unpaid work by sex following stroke. We aimed to determine the sex differences in participation in unpaid work 12 months after stroke. Methods: Psychosocial outcomes in stroke were a prospective, multicentre observational study that recruited individuals, 18–64 years, within 28 days of stroke from New South Wales, Australia. Unpaid work was defined as ≥5 h per week of one or more of: unpaid domestic work for the household; unpaid care of others; looking after own children without pay or looking after someone else’s children without pay. Data was collected before stroke, 28 days (baseline), 6 and 12 months follow-up. Results: Eighty per cent of women and 52% of men engaged in ≥5 h per week of unpaid work before stroke. At 12 months after, 69% of women and 53% of men completed ≥5 h of unpaid work per week. For women, there was a significant association between participation in unpaid work at 12 months and having financially dependent children (OR 2.67; 95% CI 1.08–6.59). A return to unpaid work in men was associated with participation in unpaid work before stroke (OR 3.74; 95% CI 2.14–6.53). Conclusions: More women are engaged in unpaid work before and at 12 months after stroke, but there is a reduction in the proportion of women returning to unpaid work at 12 months not seen in men. Consideration may need to be given to the development of rehabilitation strategies targeted at the specific needs of stroke survivors.


2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Lloyd-Evans ◽  
S. Marwaha ◽  
T. Burns ◽  
J. Secker ◽  
E. Latimer ◽  
...  

Aims.Little is known about how the rates and characteristics of mental health service users in unpaid work, training and study compare with those in paid employment.Methods.From staff report and patient records, 1353 mental health service users of seven Community Mental Health Teams in two London boroughs were categorized as in paid work, unpaid vocational activity or no vocational activity. Types of work were described using Standard Occupational Classifications. The characteristics of each group were reported and associations with vocational status were explored.Results.Of the sample, 5.5% were in paid work and 12.7% were in unpaid vocational activity, (including 5.3% in voluntary work and 8.1% in study or training). People in paid work were engaged in a broader range of occupations than those in voluntary work and most in paid work (58.5%) worked part-time. Younger age and high educational attainment characterized both groups. Having sustained previous employment was most strongly associated with being in paid work.Conclusions.Rates of vocational activity were very low. Results did not suggest a clear clinical distinction between those in paid and unpaid activity. The motivations for and functions of unpaid work need further research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Corina Rodríguez Enríquez

AbstractTime has become a valuable asset within capitalism. “Time is money” is a well known and usually shared principle. As in regard to many other type of assets, the distribution of time is pretty unfair, as well as it is the value consideration of the time allocated for different people to different activities. The distribution of time, as well as what people can or cannot do with their time, is a key issue among feminist debates. The main argument is that time allocation to paid and unpaid work is very different and unfair between genders. Women allocate much more time to unpaid work, and men, on the contrary allocate much more time to paid work. This has a reasonable and direct consequence in terms of income generation. This unequal distribution of time (and work) represents the main obstacle to women’s economic autonomy and to overcome gender income gaps.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tonya K. Frevert ◽  
Ann H. Huffman ◽  
Heather Thompson ◽  
Jaime Henning

2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (8) ◽  
pp. 1360-1381 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARIE SHERMAN ◽  
TAL SHAVIT

ABSTRACTWe suggest two supplements to Franco Modigliani's lifecycle model in order to explain why people who have retired from paid work choose either to start volunteering or increase the amount of time they devote to volunteer work. First, total consumption consists of both the material and immaterial products of work. While people can save their income in order to maintain an even level of material consumption, they unable to save a portion of the immaterial product. Second, at the statutory retirement age people retire only from paid work. We argue that older people substitute paid work for volunteering due to their inherent need to maintain immaterial consumption during retirement.


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