Women and men in the United Nations: A corpus analysis of General Debate addresses

2021 ◽  
pp. 095792652199214
Author(s):  
Nicole Brun-Mercer

The United Nations (UN) has demonstrated a commitment to women’s empowerment over seven decades of work. Yet gender inequality pervades in countries around the world and even within the UN. This corpus analysis investigated collocates of woman(’s), women(’s), man(’s) and men(’s) in 193 UN General Assembly General Debate addresses in fall 2015 to examine gender representation by international decision-makers. The analysis revealed that the plural women occurred more frequently than men and primarily in discussions on gender equality and violence. In contrast, the singular man was identified more frequently than woman, in generic use (e.g. mankind) and in references to eminent male leaders. Despite UN dedication to gender equality and linguistic guidelines promoting gender-inclusive language, these General Debate addresses do not conceptualise women and men equally, more frequently referring to women as a group in need of protection and support and to men as political figures and other distinguished individuals.

2016 ◽  
pp. 88-109
Author(s):  
Wiktoria Domagała

The article undertakes the issue of gender equality policies in the context of its indicators. The main purpose of the paper is to identify the areas of gender inequality, its scale and determinants. Firstly, the article presents the legislation of gender equality policies – its main objectives. Next, the paper discusses indicators that were implemented by organisations such as the Organisation of the United Nations and the European Union. These selected indicators are presented, taking into account the situation in Poland. In conclusion, the paper highlights the main obstacles to the pursuit of equal opportunities for women and men in Poland.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Thomas

In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Genina

On September 19th, 2016, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/1, the text of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (the “New York Declaration”). Resolution 71/1 is the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, held at the UN headquarters. The New York Declaration reflects how UN member states have decided to address the challenge of large movements of people in two main legal categories: asylum seekers/refugees and migrants. Resolution 71/1 includes an annex titled “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (the “global compact for migration” or “global compact”). This document is comprised of several thematic issues related to international migration that will be the basis of a globally negotiated agreement on how member states should respond to international migration at the national, regional, and international levels, as well as to issues related to international migration and development. The global compact for migration is intended to be adopted at a conference on international migration and development before the inauguration of the 73rd annual session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. This paper addresses how UN member states should plan to address international migration in the future. It does not refer to refugees and asylum seekers: a global compact on refugees will be drafted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2018, and to be presented to the UN General Assembly for states' consideration during its 73rd annual session, which starts in September 2018.1 For those who have been involved in migration issues within the United Nations, the fact that member states have finally agreed to convene an international conference on international migration represents a major achievement. It is the result of an extended process that started decades ago and was made possible by a long chain of efforts by many state delegations and other stakeholders. The global compact for migration will not be the first outcome document dealing exclusively with international migration. A declaration2 adopted at a high-level meeting at the United Nations in October 2013, for example, paved the way for the 2018 conference. Nonetheless, the global compact represents a unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely. This paper contributes to the discussion on the elements that should be included in the global compact for migration. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section analyzes the main elements of Annex II, “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration,” and the criteria that needs to be adopted in order to achieve a substantive outcome. In particular, participants in the negotiation process should aim to balance the concerns of states and the members of host societies, on one hand, with the needs and rights of migrants, on the other. The second section includes proposals to enrich the final global compact for migration and takes into account two documents written by two different actors within the UN system, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration, and the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. In particular, the paper proposes that the global compact for migration: • sets forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels; • enunciates a clearer definition of state protection responsibilities in relation to migrants in crisis situations and so-called “mixed flows”3; affords a substantive role to civil society organizations, the private sector, and academic institutions in the global compact's follow-up and review process; • defines the institutional framework for the implementation and follow-up of the global compact within the United Nations, including through the work of the UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF); • establishes a mechanism to fund migration policies for states that lack enough resources to invest sufficiently in this task; and • builds a cooperation-oriented, peer-review mechanism to review migration policies. The paper has been conceived as an input for those who will take part in the negotiation of the global compact for migration, as well as those who will closely follow those negotiations. Thus, the paper assumes a level of knowledge on how international migration has been addressed within the United Nations during the last several years and of the complexities of these negotiation processes. The author took part in different UN negotiation processes on international migration from 2004 to 2013. The paper is primarily based on this experience.4


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Kotzé

AbstractInternational environmental law (IEL) has been unable to respond effectively to the Anthropocene’s global socio-ecological crisis, which is critically existential and requires radical interventions and regulatory reform. This article explores the potential of the recent United Nations (UN)-backed initiative to adopt a Global Pact for the Environment as an opportunity to reform IEL. It does so by (i) reflecting on the Anthropocene’s demands for a constitutionalized form of IEL through the lens of global environmental constitutionalism; (ii) investigating the extent to which the Global Pact could contribute to such a vision; and (iii) suggesting ways in which to strengthen the constitutional potential of the Global Pact in this endeavour. To this end, the article revisits the World Charter for Nature of 1982, which seems to have slipped off the radar in academic as well as policy circles. A case is made for renewed support of the Charter – which already enjoys the backing of the majority of UN General Assembly member states, and which has constitutional qualities – to serve as a ‘best-practice’ example during the ensuing negotiation of the Global Pact.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
Bojan Ramadanovic

All Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its “friends and allies” and “like-minded partners” to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom, and under what conditions, we analyze Canada’s voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada’s overall record tends towards that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties reign in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years, and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.


Author(s):  
Britta Ricker ◽  
Menno-Jan Kraak ◽  
Yuri Engelhardt

Maps are representations of the world. They offer summaries or simplifications of data that are collected, attempt to reveal unknowns, to simplify and communicate complex spatial phenomena. Numerous decisions are made in the process of creating a map. Seemingly inconsequential variations of cartographic design decisions offer many ways to illustrate this process. We use an open dataset related to the United Nations Gender Inequality Index to demonstrate design decision points and their output. As governments are increasingly making data open to the public, and map-making tools and software are now more accessible online, these considerations are important both for those making and reading maps online.


Worldview ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-55
Author(s):  
Abraham Yeselson ◽  
Anthony Gaglione

Since there were seventy-one sponsors, it was inevitable that the resolution would be adopted, But debate on the question was inevitably bitter and spilled over to the substance of the Palestinian issue. For many people the debate—and Arafat's subsequent address to the General Assembly—sharpened questions about the United Nations, its purpose, and its long-term value.From its birth the United Nations has been an important weapon in the armory of nations in conflict. When one's national ends are advanced, the U.N. is seen as the expression of man's highest ideals. Victims, however, perceive attacks in the world forum as irresponsible distortions of the Charter. From either perspective the United Nations is an arena for combat.


Author(s):  
Casey-Maslen Stuart ◽  
Clapham Andrew ◽  
Giacca Gilles ◽  
Parker Sarah

This concluding chapter discusses the date of the adoption of the ATT, which was on 2 April 2013. The text of the draft ATT submitted to the UN General Assembly referred to the treaty being ‘done’ (i.e. adopted) on 28 March 2013—the final day of the United Nations Final Conference on the Arms Trade Treaty. It was subsequently amended in accordance with Operative Paragraph 2 of UN General Assembly Resolution 67/234B of 2 April 2013 to reflect the fact that adoption had not been possible on that date at the final diplomatic conference owing to the objections of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Iran, and Syria.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Heideman

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations, 10 December 1948, is the international affirmation of faith in fundamental human rights. As the most widely officially adopted creed in the world, it is of great significance for persons engaged in cross-cultural and international missions. As we have recently recognized the fiftieth anniversary year of its adoption, missiologists must continue to struggle with issues it raises, such as the relation of Christian liberty to human rights, the relation of “rights” to “duties,” and the theological basis for a doctrine of human rights.


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